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E-raamat: Edge-Based Clausal Syntax: A Study of (Mostly) English Object Structure

(New York University)
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An argument that there are three kinds of English grammatical objects, each with different syntactic properties.

In Edge-Based Clausal Syntax, Paul Postal rejects the notion that an English phrase of the form [ V + DP] invariably involves a grammatical relation properly characterized as a direct object. He argues instead that at least three distinct relations occur in such a structure. The different syntactic properties of these three kinds of objects are shown by how they behave in passives, middles, -able forms, tough movement, wh-movement, Heavy NP Shift, Ride Node Raising, re-prefixation, and many other tests. This proposal renders Postal’s position sharply different from that of Chomsky, who defined a direct object structurally as [ NP, VP], and with the traditional linguistics text’s definition of the direct object as the DP sister of V.

According to Postal’s framework, sentence structures are complex graph structures built on nodes (vertices) and edges (arcs). The node that heads a particular edge represents a constituent that bears the grammatical relation named by the edge label to its tail node. This approach allows two DPs that have very different grammatical properties to occupy what looks like identical structural positions.

The contrasting behaviors of direct objects, which at first seem anomalous--even grammatically chaotic--emerge in Postal’s account as nonanomalous, as symptoms of hitherto ungrasped structural regularity.
Foreword xi
Chris Collins
Preface xv
Acknowledgments xvii
1 Introduction
1(46)
1.1 Concept Barrels
1(2)
1.2 Languages and Grammars
3(4)
1.3 Linguistic Trees
7(3)
1.4 Edge-Extended Linguistic Trees
10(13)
1.5 Beyond Edge-Extended Linguistic Trees: Metagraphs
23(10)
1.6 Anaphora, Arc Relations, and Arc Types
33(14)
2 Objects and Arrays
47(28)
2.1 Objects
47(2)
2.2 Diverse Types of English Objects
49(5)
2.3 Types of Single Object Structures
54(1)
2.4 Array 0
55(1)
2.5 Array 1
56(8)
2.6 Array 2
64(4)
2.7 The Prefix Re-
68(1)
2.8 What the Distinct Arrays Imply
69(6)
3 Double Object Structures
75(66)
3.1 Basics
75(3)
3.2 Links between Array 2 Single Objects and Ditransitive First Objects
78(19)
3.3 Prepositional Flagging
97(6)
3.4 More on 3 Objects and 3-Object-to-2 Advancement
103(3)
3.5 Links between Array 1 Single Objects and Ditransitive Second Objects
106(5)
3.6 The Universal Status of 3 Object and 4 Object Types
111(4)
3.7 Distinct Relations at Different Levels
115(13)
3.8 Reconstructing 3 Objects as a Special Kind of PP
128(3)
3.9 A Problem in Peruvian Spanish
131(3)
3.10 Certain German Ditransitive 3 Objects
134(7)
4 Periphrastic and Nonperiphrastic Passives
141(56)
4.1 Preliminary Remarks
141(1)
4.2 The Overall Structure of Periphrastic Passive Constituents
141(10)
4.3 Clause Union Complement Passives
151(7)
4.4 Clauses That Only Look Like Periphrastic Passives
158(3)
4.5 More on Peruvian Spanish 3-Object-to-2 Advancement
161(1)
4.6 Passive Victim Arc Constraints
162(5)
4.7 Middles as Synthetic Passives
167(13)
4.8 Remarks on Antipassives
180(8)
4.9 Appendix: Remarks on Adjectival Clauses
188(9)
5 Passivization Targets: I
197(34)
5.1 The Adequacy of Simple 2 Object Restrictions
197(3)
5.2 Pseudopassives and Pseudomiddles
200(15)
5.3 The Interaction of Ditransitive Passives with Demotion to 4
215(6)
5.4 Appendix: Pseudopassives and Adjectival Conversion
221(10)
6 Passivization Targets: II
231(34)
6.1 Periphrastic Passivization and Restricted Phenomena
231(1)
6.2 Expletive There: Basics
232(17)
6.3 Expletive There: Further Implications
249(5)
6.4 Implications: Pseudopassive/Ditransitive Passive Parallels
254(5)
6.5 Particles and 3 Object-Like Behavior
259(6)
7 Passivization Targets: III
265(32)
7.1 Passive Conclusions So Far
265(1)
7.2 The Most Basic Constraints on English Passivization
266(2)
7.3 Basic Past Ditransitive Passive Observations
268(3)
7.4 Enriching the Database: I
271(5)
7.5 Enriching the Database: II
276(3)
7.6 Not Enriching the Database
279(1)
7.7 Failures of Ditransitive 4 Object Passivization
280(9)
7.8 Two Alternative Viewpoints
289(8)
8 Visser's Generalization
297(60)
8.1 A Much-Discussed Passivization Failure
297(2)
8.2 Other Control Cases
299(3)
8.3 One Aspect of Visser's Generalization Has Nothing to Do with Control
302(2)
8.4 Visser's Generalization and Constraints on 3 Object Passivization
304(7)
8.5 Visser's Generalization Does Not Fully Reduce to Independent Passive Principles
311(11)
8.6 Perlmutter's Generalization
322(8)
8.7 Quace-Based Constraints on Pseudopassivization and Q Constructions
330(8)
8.8 Some Issues Related to Visser's Generalization
338(5)
8.9 The Absence of Visser's Generalization Restrictions in Promise Nominalizations
343(1)
8.10 French Parallels to Visser's Generalization
344(8)
8.11 An Apparent Problem
352(5)
9 Clauses with That Clause Complements
357(32)
9.1 Some Basic That Clause Passive Considerations
357(4)
9.2 Type II Verbal Clause Structures
361(11)
9.3 Ditransitive Clauses with That Clause Complements
372(9)
9.4 A Paradigm
381(4)
9.5 Brief Remarks on Particles, 3 Objects, and That Clauses
385(4)
10 Results, If Any
389(2)
Notes 391(40)
References 431(22)
Author Index 453(4)
Subject Index 457