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E-raamat: Meaning of Space in Sign Language: Reference, Specificity and Structure in Catalan Sign Language Discourse [De Gruyter e-raamatud]

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Meaning of Space in Sign Language: Reference, Specificity and Structure in Catalan Sign Language DiscourseSuurem pilt
Teised raamatud teemal:
Wiley OnlineRohkem infot De Gruyter e-raamatute kohta
This study examines the semantics and pragmatics of signing space in Catalan Sign Language (LSC). Specifically, the study applies a dynamic semantic theory, called Discourse Representation Theory, to the visual-spatial language of LSC. It demonstrates that spatial locations are integrated into the grammar of LSC and explores the role they play in specificity marking. Using a small-scale LSC corpus, the study shows that spatial locations consist in abstract points established in space. Each section begins with an overview of relevant theory. Black and white photos and screenshots are included. Annotation ©2016 Ringgold, Inc., Portland, OR (protoview.com)

Bringing together sign language linguistics and the semantics-pragmatics interface, this book focuses on the use of signing space in Catalan Sign Language (LSC). On the basis of small-scale corpus data, it provides an exhaustive description of referential devices dependent on space. The book provides insight into the study of meaning in the visual-spatial modality and into our understanding of the discourse behavior of spatial locations.

Acknowledgements v
List of figures
xiii
List of tables
xv
Abbreviations xvi
Notational conventions xviii
1 Introduction
1(12)
1.1 Objectives and goals
1(1)
1.2 Sign language research
2(1)
1.3 Catalan Sign Language
3(1)
1.4 Methodology
4(6)
1.4.1 Sign language corpora
4(2)
1.4.2 Small-scale LSC corpus
6(2)
1.4.3 Annotation conventions
8(2)
1.5 Organisation of this book
10(3)
2 Space in sign languages: background
13(36)
2.1 Introduction
13(1)
2.2 Signing space
14(4)
2.3 Modality effects
18(4)
2.3.1 Modality and space
19(2)
2.3.2 Modality and gesture
21(1)
2.4 Spatial functions
22(6)
2.4.1 Descriptive localisation
23(2)
2.4.2 Non-descriptive localisation
25(1)
2.4.3 One function or two?
26(2)
2.5 Previous accounts
28(10)
2.5.1 Spatial mapping view
29(1)
2.5.1.1 Locus and real space
29(2)
2.5.1.2 Limitations
31(4)
2.5.2 R-locus view
35(1)
2.5.2.1 Referential locations and linguistic space
36(1)
2.5.2.2 Advantages
37(1)
2.6 The pointing hodgepodge
38(6)
2.6.1 The morphosyntax of pointing signs
38(1)
2.6.2 The semantics of pointing signs
39(2)
2.6.3 Sign language pronouns
41(3)
2.7 Acquisition and emergence of new sign languages
44(2)
2.8 Proposal
46(1)
2.9 Summary
47(2)
3 A morpheme on spatial planes
49(38)
3.1 Introduction
49(1)
3.2 The spatial morpheme
50(2)
3.3 Localisation mechanisms
52(8)
3.3.1 Index signs
55(2)
3.3.2 Spatial modification
57(1)
3.3.3 Verb agreement
57(2)
3.3.4 Nonmanual mechanisms
59(1)
3.4 Non-descriptive use of spatial planes
60(20)
3.4.1 Horizontal
62(2)
3.4.1.1 Kinds of spatial entities
64(4)
3.4.1.2 Contrastive topics
68(1)
3.4.2 Frontal
69(1)
3.4.2.1 Hierarchical relations
70(2)
3.4.2.2 Locatives
72(2)
3.4.2.3 Specificity
74(4)
3.4.2.4 Absence in the physical context
78(1)
3.4.3 Midsaggital
79(1)
3.5 Features on spatial planes
80(3)
3.6 Body-anchored locations
83(3)
3.7 Summary
86(1)
4 Spatial locations and discourse referents
87(36)
4.1 Introduction
87(1)
4.2 Dynamic semantics
87(15)
4.2.1 Discourse and discourse model
88(1)
4.2.2 Discourse representation theories
89(4)
4.2.2.1 Donkey anaphora in DRT
93(1)
4.2.2.2 Accessibility
94(1)
4.2.3 Discourse referents
95(3)
4.2.3.1 S-Topic
98(2)
4.2.3.2 Referential status
100(1)
4.2.4 Desiderata for a DRT application to sign language
101(1)
4.3 Locations and discourse referents
102(4)
4.3.1 Locationsas variables
103(1)
4.3.2 Identity features
104(2)
4.4 Scope of discourse referents' quantifiers
106(15)
4.4.1 (Non-)argumental NPs
109(3)
4.4.2 Donkey sentences
112(2)
4.4.3 Distributivity and quantification
114(4)
4.4.4 Genericity
118(1)
4.4.5 Kinds
119(2)
4.5 Summary
121(2)
5 Deixis and familiarity
123(26)
5.1 Introduction
123(1)
5.2 Definiteness: background
124(12)
5.2.1 Uniqueness
124(1)
5.2.2 Familiarity
125(2)
5.2.2.1 Weak/strong familiarity
127(2)
5.2.2.2 Discourse/addressee familiarity
129(2)
5.2.3 Deixis
131(3)
5.2.4 Definiteness in sign language
134(2)
5.3 Anaphoric deixis in LSC
136(5)
5.4 Familiarity
141(5)
5.4.1 Assertion of existence
142(2)
5.4.2 Presupposition of existence
144(2)
5.5 Indefiniteness marking
146(1)
5.5.1 Indefinite determiners
146(1)
5.5.2 Nonmanual indefiniteness marking
146(1)
5.6 Summary
147(2)
6 Specificity
149(46)
6.1 Introduction
149(1)
6.2 Specificity: background
150(7)
6.2.1 Scope
151(2)
6.2.2 Partitivity
153(1)
6.2.3 Identifiability
154(2)
6.2.4 Specificity in sign language
156(1)
6.3 Specificity in LSC
157(15)
6.3.1 Scope
159(3)
6.3.2 Partitivity
162(2)
6.3.3 Identifiability
164(4)
6.3.4 Narrow scope marking (or what this chapter is not about)
168(4)
6.4 Localisation pattern
172(18)
6.4.1 Compositional analysis of the data
173(1)
6.4.1.1 Direction towards the frontal plane
173(2)
6.4.1.2 Amount of mechanisms
175(1)
6.4.1.3 Eye gaze duration
176(1)
6.4.1.4 Simultaneity and coincidence in direction
177(2)
6.4.2 Spatially modified categories
179(4)
6.4.3 Dual nature of localisation
183(1)
6.4.3.1 Non-specific partitives
183(3)
6.4.3.2 Modal subordination
186(4)
6.5 Existence in the model
190(2)
6.6 Summary
192(3)
7 Discourse structure and prominence
195(30)
7.1 Introduction
195(1)
7.2 Background
196(7)
7.2.1 Discourse anaphora and underspecification
196(2)
7.2.2 Prominence
198(3)
7.2.3 Noteworthiness
201(2)
7.3 Sign language pronominal issues
203(6)
7.3.1 Infinity and unambiguity
203(1)
7.3.2 Pronouns versus DRs
204(5)
7.4 Prominence
209(7)
7.4.1 Global discourse structure
209(1)
7.4.2 Topicality
210(1)
7.4.3 Topical variables
211(5)
7.5 Underspecification
216(8)
7.5.1 Informativity
218(3)
7.5.2 Rigidity
221(3)
7.6 Summary
224(1)
8 Final remarks
225(5)
Appendix 230(1)
Notes 231(7)
References 238(28)
Index 266
Gemma Barberà Altimira, CNRS, France
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