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E-raamat: Serial Verb Construction Parameter [Taylor & Francis e-raamat]

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Investigating the phenomenon in which two or more finite verbs, along with the complements, occur in a single clause without any form of coordination or subordination, Stewart (linguistics, U. of British Columbia) asks what types of this construction exist and how they can be distinguished from superficially similar ones within the same language and across different languages; and what parameter it is that allows a language like +d= to save such constructions but not English or French. CiP shows ISBN as 0-8153-3528-8. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com)

An investigation of the serial verb construction, this work engages central issues in syntactic theory-complex predicates, clausal architecture and syntactic variation.
Preface xi
Acknowledgments xv
Note on Orthography and Tones xix
Introduction: In Search of Serial Verb Constructions
3(16)
Previous Research on SVCs
6(6)
Early Research
6(2)
Principles and Parameters Approach
8(4)
On the Definition of SVCs
12(4)
Interpretation and Verb Sequencing Constraints
12(4)
Conclusion
16(3)
Notes
16(3)
Two Types of SVCs Versus Covert Coordinations
19(68)
Distribution and Licensing of Manner Adverbs
19(24)
I-type Adverb before First Verb
24(2)
I-type Adverb before Second Verb
26(10)
N-type Adverb after First Verb
36(4)
N-type Adverb after Second Verb
40(3)
Distribution of Adjuncts: Locative Prepositional Phrase
43(6)
Locative PP after First Verb
44(2)
Locative PP after Second Verb
46(3)
Consequences of Adverb and PP Placements
49(1)
Object Sharing
50(7)
Evidence for Empty Category: Adverbial Particle
51(3)
Null pro Licensing: Unaccusativity and Transitivity
54(3)
Subject NP
57(10)
Interpretation of Subject and Agent
57(5)
Distribution of Subject Pronoun
62
Subject-oriented Interpretation of `tobore
57(10)
Phonology-syntax Interface
67(7)
E-head and Relative Tones
68(1)
Wh-extraction and Relative Tones
69(5)
Resulative SVCs, Aspect, and Temporal Adverbs
74(7)
Differences in Aspectual Properties
74(1)
Process-Activity Restriction on First Verb
75(2)
Event Delimiter
77(2)
Temporal Adverbs
79(2)
Conclusion
81(6)
Notes
81(6)
Predicate Cleft and Event Quantification in SVCs and CCs
87(30)
The Edo Predicate Cleft Construction
90(2)
Evidence for Category Conversion
90(2)
The Status of the Derived Nominal
92(3)
Semantic Interpretation
92(1)
Cognate Object as Event Argument
93(2)
The Syntax of Predicate Cleft
95(8)
On Event Quantification
101(2)
Predicate Cleft and SVCs
103(10)
Resultative SVCs
103(5)
Consequential SVCs and CCs
108(5)
Conclusion
113(4)
Notes
114(3)
Double Objects and Object Sharing in SVCs
117(28)
SVCs and the Double Object Construction
117(19)
DOCs and the Associative Construction
118(5)
DOCs in Resultative and Consequential SVCs
123(9)
More On DOCs and SVCs
132(4)
On the Syntax of DOCs
136(7)
The Asymmetry between the Theme and the Goal Objects
136(2)
Double Objects and the Empty Category Principle
138(2)
Underlying vs. Derived Objects
140(3)
Conclusion
143(2)
Notes
143(2)
Comparative Analysis of SVCs and CCS
145(22)
On Structurally Ambiguous SVCs
145(4)
`Splitting Verbs' and Resultative SVCs
149(2)
IGBO
151(10)
Resultative V-V Compounds
152(2)
Inherent Verb Complement
154(3)
Verb Inflection and Multi-event Constructions
157(4)
(Mandarin) CHINESE
161(4)
Resultative V-V Compounds
162(1)
Multi-event Constructions
163(2)
Conclusion
165(2)
Notes
165(2)
The Serial Verb Construction Parameter
167(40)
Serial Verb Constructions and Secondary Predicates
167(6)
Towards the SVC Parameter: AP vs. VP Resultatives
173(5)
The Serial Verb Construction Parameter
178(24)
The Bare Stem Condition
178(2)
Verb Movement
180(8)
Igbo Resultative V-V Compounds
188(4)
English AP Resultative SPs
192(1)
V-Movement in Consequential SVCs and CCs
193(4)
Consequences of the V-raising Analysis
197(5)
Rule R' and Tense Matching in SVCs
202(2)
Conclusion
204(3)
Notes
204(3)
Re-Analysis of `Serial Verb Constructions'
207(58)
The Modal-aspectual Verb Construction
208(10)
Contrast with SVCs: INFL vs. E Projection
208(2)
INFL before the Second Verb
210(1)
Evidence for Embedded Clause
211(6)
Modal-aspectual Verb Restriction
217(1)
Restructuring in the Modal-aspectual Verb Construction
218(25)
Evidence for Infinitival Complement
219(2)
Evidence for Restructuring
221(1)
Verb Raising and Object Cleft
222(3)
Predicate Clefts
225(6)
The Class of Restructuring Verbs
231(2)
Syntactic Tests for Reconstructured Clause
233(1)
There are Two Subject Positions
234(2)
I-type Adverb before First Verb
236(1)
Iterative vs. Imperfective
237(3)
N-type Adverbs as VP Modifier
240(2)
Locative Prepositional Phrase
242(1)
On Instrumental Constructions
243(19)
Motivating Subject Control
245(1)
INFL before the Second Verb
246(3)
PRO Subject in Embedded Clause
249(1)
Tobore Particle
249(2)
Purposive Clauses
251(2)
The Syntax of `use'-type Instrumental Construction
253(1)
I-type Adverb
254(2)
N-type Adverb
256(1)
Locative Prepositional Phrase
257(1)
Predicate Cleft
258(2)
Verb Movement
260(2)
Conclusion
262(3)
Notes
262(3)
SVC Consequences
265(8)
On the Two Types of SVCs and the Covert Coordination
265(4)
Syntactic Structures
266(1)
Lexical Constraints and Argument Sharing
266(1)
The Two Type of SVCs
267(1)
Licensing of Object Sharing
267(1)
Licensing of Subject Sharing
267(1)
On Event Composition
268(1)
Empirical Extensions
268(1)
On the Serial Verb Construction Parameter
269(3)
Other Surface Verb Constructions
271(1)
Closing Thought
272(1)
References 273(10)
Index 283
Osamuyimen Thompson Stewart teaches at the University of British Columbia.