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Agreement Beyond Phi [Pehme köide]

(Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
  • Formaat: Paperback / softback, 246 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 229x152x13 mm
  • Sari: Linguistic Inquiry Monographs 75
  • Ilmumisaeg: 24-Mar-2017
  • Kirjastus: MIT Press
  • ISBN-10: 0262533324
  • ISBN-13: 9780262533324
Teised raamatud teemal:
Agreement Beyond PhiSuurem pilt
  • Formaat: Paperback / softback, 246 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 229x152x13 mm
  • Sari: Linguistic Inquiry Monographs 75
  • Ilmumisaeg: 24-Mar-2017
  • Kirjastus: MIT Press
  • ISBN-10: 0262533324
  • ISBN-13: 9780262533324
Teised raamatud teemal:
Püsilink: https://www.kriso.ee/db/9780262533324.html
Märksõnad:

Much attention in theoretical linguistics in the generative and Minimalist traditions is concerned with issues directly or indirectly related to movement. The EPP (extended projection principle), introduced by Chomsky in 1981, appeared to coincide with morphological agreement, and agreement came to play a central role as the driver of movement and other narrow-syntax operations. In this book, Shigeru Miyagawa continues his investigation into a computational equivalent for agreement in agreementless languages such as Japanese.

Miyagawa extends his theory of Strong Uniformity, introduced in his earlier book, Why Agree? Why Move? Unifying Agreement-Based and Discourse-Configurational Languages (MIT Press). He argues that agreement and agreementless languages are unified under an expanded view of grammatical features including both phi-features and discourse configurational features of topic and focus. He looks at various combinations of these two grammatical features across a number of languages and phenomena, including allocutive agreement, root phenomena, topicalization, "why" questions, and case alternation.

Series Foreword xi
Preface xiii
1 Introduction: Strong Uniformity
1(18)
1.1 Introduction
1(1)
1.2 Strong Uniformity: An Instantiation of the Uniformity Principle
2(8)
1.2.1 Examples of Typology Based on Strong Uniformity
3(2)
1.2.1.1 δ-Feature at T
5(4)
1.2.1.2 Agreement at C: Dinka
9(1)
1.3 Outline of the Monograph
10(9)
2 Allocutive Agreement and the Root
19(38)
2.1 Agreement at C: Japanese
19(3)
2.2 Allocutive Agreement
22(12)
2.2.1 Politeness Marking in Japanese as Allocutive Agreement
26(4)
2.2.2 Further Evidence for the Speech Act Projection: Jingpo and Newari
30(1)
2.2.2.1 Jingpo
30(2)
2.2.2.2 Newari
32(2)
2.3 Two Counterexamples
34(2)
2.4 Root Phenomena
36(9)
2.4.1 Attitudinal and Style Adverbs in English
42(2)
2.4.2 The Relative Clause: Another Root
44(1)
2.5 Types of Topicalization
45(8)
2.6 Topicalization and Relative Clauses
53(2)
2.7 Conclusion
55(2)
3 Pro-Drop, E-Type Pronouns, and Agreement
57(48)
3.1 Introduction
57(4)
3.2 Agreement in Chinese
61(16)
3.2.1 Anaphor Binding and Blocking
64(4)
3.2.2 Subject pro in Chinese
68(5)
3.2.3 Chinese Subject pro as a Weak Pronoun
73(2)
3.2.4 On J. Huang's (1984) Generalized Control Rule
75(2)
3.3 Malayalam
77(3)
3.3.1 Binding of Taan `Self/You'
77(1)
3.3.2 Blocking
78(2)
3.4 Toward a Unified Analysis
80(6)
3.4.1 Unified Account Based on pro
81(2)
3.4.2 Evidence That the Sloppy Interpretation Cannot Be Due to Argument Ellipsis
83(2)
3.4.3 On Hoji (1998)
85(1)
3.5 E-Type Pronouns and Agreement
86(5)
3.6 Large-Scale Survey of Chinese and Japanese Speakers for Sloppy Interpretation
91(7)
3.6.1 Japanese Study
92(3)
3.6.2 Chinese Study
95(3)
3.7 Anaphoric Binding in Japanese and POV
98(4)
3.8 Conclusion
102(3)
4 On the Distribution and Structure of `Why'
105(44)
4.1 Introduction
105(2)
4.2 `Why' as a Base-Generated Wh-Adjunct
107(4)
4.2.1 A Gap in the Paradigm
107(4)
4.3 Three Observations about Naze `Why'
111(3)
4.4 `Why' Moves (Shlonsky and Soare 2011)
114(5)
4.4.1 Problem for the External-Merge Hypothesis: `Why' Apparently Always Moves
115(3)
4.4.2 Evidence from Chinese for `Why' Movement
118(1)
4.5 The Structure of `Why'
119(2)
4.6 Anti-Superiority and the Structure of `Why'
121(3)
4.7 Evidence That Naze Can Occur Low in the Structure
124(3)
4.8 The Two-Tier Movement Analysis of `Why'
127(7)
4.8.1 Why Chinese Does Not Have the Two-Tier Movement of `Why'
132(2)
4.9 Use of `What' for `Why'
134(6)
4.9.1 `What' Adjunct Questions in Japanese
135(5)
4.10 On the Double-O Constraint and the Nani-o `What' Construction
140(8)
4.10.1 Double-O Constraint
142(2)
4.10.2 Surface DOC, Deep DOC
144(2)
4.10.3 Nani-o and the DOC
146(2)
4.11 Conclusion
148(1)
5 Ga/No Conversion, Strong Uniformity, and Focus
149(32)
5.1 Introduction
149(1)
5.2 Miyagawa (2013)
150(1)
5.3 D-Licensing of the Genitive Case
151(3)
5.4 A Different Kind of Genitive: Genitive of Dependent Tense
154(6)
5.4.1 Dependent Tense and the Genitive
156(4)
5.5 Strong Uniformity and Scrambling
160(3)
5.6 Focus and Genitive
163(3)
5.6.1 Focus at v
165(1)
5.7 Activation of the δ-Feature
166(11)
5.7.1 Focus and Case (Miyagawa, Nishioka, and Zeijlstra 2016)
168(6)
5.7.2 Go/No Conversion, Focus, and Case Agreement
174(1)
5.7.3 Ga/No Conversion and Focus on Internal Arguments
175(2)
5.8 Ga/No Conversion and Interpretation
177(2)
5.9 Conclusion
179(2)
6 Concluding Remarks
181(2)
Notes 183(10)
References 193(20)
Name Index 213(4)
Subject Index 217