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xii | |
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xiv | |
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xvi | |
Acknowledgements |
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xvii | |
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PART I Theoretical foundations |
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1 | (32) |
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3 | (6) |
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3 | (2) |
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5 | (2) |
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1.3 Structure of the book |
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7 | (2) |
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2 Previous perspectives on antonymy |
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9 | (24) |
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2.1 What is lexical opposition? |
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10 | (1) |
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2.2 A Structuralist account of opposition |
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11 | (5) |
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2.2.1 Classifications of opposition: Lyons (1977) and Cruse (1986) |
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12 | (3) |
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2.2.2 Criteria for `good' opposites |
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15 | (1) |
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2.3 Opposites in discourse: corpus perspectives |
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16 | (5) |
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2.3.1 Syntactic frames and co-occurrence patterns |
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17 | (1) |
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2.3.2 Semantic range and match of non-propositional meaning |
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18 | (1) |
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19 | (1) |
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20 | (1) |
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2.3.5 Key contributions of corpus research |
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21 | (1) |
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2.4 Opposites in the mind: a lexical or conceptual relation? |
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21 | (5) |
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2.4.1 A cognitive-pragmatic approach |
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23 | (1) |
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2.4.2 Cognitive proposals |
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24 | (2) |
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2.5 Opposites in the brain: psycholinguistic and neurolinguistic evidence |
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26 | (3) |
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2.5.1 Psycholinguistic investigations |
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26 | (2) |
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2.5.2 Neurolinguistic evidence |
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28 | (1) |
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2.5.3 Key findings of cognitive and psycholinguistic antonym research |
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28 | (1) |
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2.6 Towards a psycholinguistic model of antonymy -- criteria for good antonyms |
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29 | (4) |
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PART II Empirical investigation |
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33 | (82) |
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3 Antonymic and associative strength: evidence from English and German |
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35 | (35) |
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35 | (5) |
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3.1.1 Type of antonymic relation |
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36 | (3) |
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3.1.2 Morphological relatedness |
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39 | (1) |
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39 | (1) |
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40 | (1) |
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3.2 Corpus data: measuring frequency of co-occurrence |
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40 | (1) |
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40 | (1) |
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41 | (1) |
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3.3 Assessing antonymic strength: a judgement task |
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41 | (1) |
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42 | (1) |
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42 | (1) |
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3.4 From best to worst: a judgement task analysis |
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42 | (25) |
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3.4.1 Associative strength as a predictor for antonymic strength |
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43 | (2) |
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3.4.2 Morphological relatedness |
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45 | (4) |
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3.4.3 Gradable opposites: the role of symmetry and conceptual distance |
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49 | (4) |
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3.4.4 Semantic range and semantic generality |
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53 | (2) |
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55 | (3) |
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58 | (1) |
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59 | (2) |
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3.4.6.2 Nominal converses |
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61 | (2) |
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3.4.7 Extending purity of opposition: the effect of conceptual category structure |
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63 | (4) |
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67 | (3) |
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4 Processing opposite pairs: an antonym-decision task |
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70 | (23) |
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71 | (3) |
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73 | (1) |
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73 | (1) |
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74 | (1) |
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4.1.4 Data cleaning and analysis procedure |
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74 | (1) |
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74 | (15) |
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4.2.1 Antonymic strength (judgement task scores) |
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75 | (3) |
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4.2.2 Associative strength: frequency of co-occurrence |
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78 | (3) |
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81 | (2) |
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4.2.4 Symmetry of distribution |
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83 | (1) |
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4.2.5 Morphological relatedness |
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84 | (1) |
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85 | (1) |
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86 | (3) |
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89 | (4) |
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93 | (22) |
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5.1 Case study I: borrow:lend and rent:let -- a cross-linguistic comparison |
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93 | (3) |
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5.2 Case study II: a matter of size |
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96 | (8) |
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5.3 Case study III: complementaries: pairs clustered around male:female |
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104 | (11) |
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PART III Theoretical implications |
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115 | (39) |
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6 Antonyms in mind and brain: towards a psycholinguistic model of opposition |
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117 | (31) |
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6.1 Antonym canonicity: what makes an opposite pair canonical? |
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117 | (9) |
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6.1.1 Minimal and sufficient difference |
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118 | (1) |
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6.1.2 Morphological relatedness |
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119 | (2) |
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6.1.3 Purity and salience of opposition |
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121 | (1) |
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122 | (1) |
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6.1.5 Semantic range and generality |
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123 | (1) |
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6.1.6 Associative strength: a result of frequent co-occurrence |
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124 | (2) |
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6.2 Opposites in the mind: cognitive construal and entrenchment of opposition |
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126 | (7) |
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6.2.1 Antonymy as a prototype category |
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126 | (1) |
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6.2.2 The conceptual construal of opposites |
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127 | (1) |
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6.2.2.1 Complexity of category structure |
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128 | (2) |
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6.2.2.2 Salience and context effects |
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130 | (1) |
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6.2.2.3 Conceptual entrenchment |
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131 | (2) |
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6.3 Antonymy in the brain: a psycholinguistic model of representation and processing |
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133 | (15) |
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6.3.1 Lexical entries and the mental lexicon |
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133 | (4) |
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6.3.2 Looking up or working out? |
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137 | (2) |
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6.3.3 A psycholinguistic model of opposition |
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139 | (9) |
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148 | (6) |
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148 | (2) |
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7.2 Methodological considerations |
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150 | (2) |
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152 | (2) |
Appendix 1 |
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154 | (6) |
Appendix 2 |
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160 | (5) |
Appendix 3 |
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165 | (5) |
Appendix 4 |
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170 | (2) |
Bibliography |
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172 | (9) |
Index |
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181 | |