Muutke küpsiste eelistusi

Asymmetries in Vowel Harmony: A Representational Account [Kõva köide]

(Professor of Linguistics, University of Connecticut)
  • Formaat: Hardback, 524 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 242x163x37 mm, kaal: 936 g
  • Ilmumisaeg: 30-Aug-2018
  • Kirjastus: Oxford University Press
  • ISBN-10: 0198813570
  • ISBN-13: 9780198813576
Teised raamatud teemal:
Asymmetries in Vowel Harmony: A Representational AccountSuurem pilt
  • Formaat: Hardback, 524 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 242x163x37 mm, kaal: 936 g
  • Ilmumisaeg: 30-Aug-2018
  • Kirjastus: Oxford University Press
  • ISBN-10: 0198813570
  • ISBN-13: 9780198813576
Teised raamatud teemal:
Püsilink: https://www.kriso.ee/db/9780198813576.html
Märksõnad:
This book deals with the phenomenon of vowel harmony, a phonological process whereby all the vowels in a word are required to share a specific phonological property, such as front or back articulation. Vowel harmony occurs in the majority of languages of the world, though only in very few European languages, and has been a central concern in phonological theory for many years. In this volume, Harry van der Hulst puts forward a new theory of vowel harmony, which accounts for the patterns of and exceptions to this phenomenon in the widest range of languages ever considered.

The book begins with an overview of the general causes of asymmetries in vowel harmony systems. The two following chapters provide a detailed account of a new theory of vowel harmony based on unary elements and licensing, which is embedded in a general dependency-based theory of phonological structure. In the remaining chapters, this theory is applied to a variety of vowel harmony phenomena from typologically diverse languages, including palatal harmony in languages such as Finnish and Hungarian, labial harmony in Turkic languages, and tongue root systems in Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan, and Tungusic languages. The volume provides a valuable overview of the diversity of vowel harmony in the languages of the world and is essential reading for phonologists of all theoretical persuasions.

Arvustused

Asymmetries in Vowel Harmony is a valuable book. It can be recommended to those who are interested in the diverse nature of vowel harmony in different languages. It is a good starting point for seeking phenomena or literature, and its analyses offer an intellectual adventure. However, when using it in one's further research, it is recommended to be careful with its data: check them in the sources, and as far as possible, double-check them in further sources. * László Fejes, Voprosy Jazykoznanija *

Preface xiii
List of abbreviations
xvi
Part I A New Theory of Vowel Harmony
1 Opacity and transparency in vowel harmony
3(48)
1.1 Introduction
3(5)
1.2 Opacity and transparency
8(28)
1.2.1 Fully symmetrical harmony
8(3)
1.2.2 Neutral vowels and how they behave (and a proposal)
11(9)
1.2.3 Confirmation of the HS proposal
20(3)
1.2.4 Other vowel behaviors
23(4)
1.2.5 Perceptual transparency and genuine transparency
27(2)
1.2.6 Potential problems for the HS theory
29(1)
1.2.6.1 Unexpected behavior of neutral [ i] and [ e] in palatal systems
29(1)
1.2.6.2 Unexpected transparency and opacity: the case of Khalkha (Mongolian)
30(1)
1.2.6.3 Unexpected transparency of [ a] in tongue root systems
31(1)
1.2.6.4 Other cases that might be problematic
31(2)
1.2.6.5 Participating consonants
33(3)
1.3 Why locality does not go away
36(3)
1.4 Root control versus dominant-recessive systems
39(2)
1.5 Some general aspects of VH
41(8)
1.5.1 Terminology and typology
41(2)
1.5.2 Mechanisms of VH
43(1)
1.5.3 Rules and/or constraints
44(2)
1.5.4 Harmonic domains
46(1)
1.5.5 Conditions on triggers and targets
47(1)
1.5.6 Directionality
47(1)
1.5.7 Vowel harmony and loanwords
47(1)
1.5.8 Data and methods
48(1)
1.6 Concluding remarks and preview of this book
49(2)
2 The RcvP model
51(61)
2.1 Introduction
51(1)
2.2 Synopsis of RcvP
51(16)
2.2.1 Segmental structure in RcvP
52(9)
2.2.2 Syllable structure in RcvP
61(1)
2.2.3 Vowel structures in RcvP
62(5)
2.3 Minimal vowel representations
67(25)
2.3.1 Constraints
68(3)
2.3.2 The Successive Division Algorithm
71(7)
2.3.3 The problem of normalization
78(3)
2.3.4 Applications
81(8)
2.3.5 An example of an argument for different rankings in the Dresher approach
89(3)
2.4 Types of underspecification
92(6)
2.4.1 Underspecification of non-contrastive (predictable) information
92(1)
2.4.1.1 Non-distinctive elements need not be specified
92(1)
2.4.1.2 Non-distinctive headedness need not be specified
93(2)
2.4.1.3 Headedness need not be specified if there is only one element in a gesture
95(1)
2.4.2 Underspecification of contrastive information (radical underspecification)
95(1)
2.4.2.1 In each gesture, one element can be designated as the default option (and be left unspecified)
95(1)
2.4.2.2 If headedness among two elements is contrastive, the headedness specification of one of the two combinations can be left unspecified (i.e. the default option)
96(2)
2.5 Underspecification and the variable notation
98(1)
2.6 Markedness
99(1)
2.7 Enhancement
100(1)
2.8 Articulatory and acoustic correlates of elements
101(1)
2.9 Alternatives for the expression of ATR
102(8)
2.10 Concluding remarks
110(2)
3 Harmony as licensing
112(45)
3.1 Introduction
112(1)
3.2 Licensing and lexical representations
113(11)
3.2.1 Lateral licensing
117(4)
3.2.2 Internal and external harmony
121(3)
3.3 Dominant-recessive harmony
124(2)
3.4 Morpheme-internal harmony and directionality
126(3)
3.5 Cyclicity
129(3)
3.6 Back to transparency and opacity
132(17)
3.6.1 The van der Hulst and Smith (1986) theory
133(3)
3.6.2 Adapting the HS theory to the licensing model
136(1)
3.6.2.1 Opacity in the licensing model
136(1)
3.6.2.2 Transparency in the licensing model
136(4)
3.6.2.3 Idiosyncratic neutralization
140(1)
3.6.2.4 Unexpected transparency and opacity
141(7)
3.6.2.5 Summary
148(1)
3.7 Why the variable approach is better than the abstract approach
149(1)
3.8 Conditions on triggers and targets
150(2)
3.9 Skewed harmonic counterparts
152(2)
3.10 Concluding remarks
154(3)
Part II Case Studies
4 Palatal harmony
157(40)
4.1 Introduction
157(1)
4.2 The behavior of neutral vowels in Balto-Finnic languages
157(19)
4.2.1 Finnish
158(1)
4.2.1.1 The basic data and analysis
158(7)
4.2.1.2 Additional relevant data
165(3)
4.2.2 Other behaviors of front neutral vowels
168(5)
4.2.3 Previous accounts of the four-way typology
173(1)
4.2.3.1 van der Hulst (2015a) and a reply to Rebrus and Torkenczy (2015 a, b)
173(2)
4.2.3.2 Polgardi (2015)
175(1)
4.3 Three other Finnic languages
176(5)
4.3.1 Votic
176(1)
4.3.1.1 Neutral [ o]
176(1)
4.3.1.2 Front and back /l/
177(1)
4.3.2 Khanty
178(1)
4.3.3 Seto
179(2)
4.4 Hungarian
181(13)
4.4.1 The basic data and analysis
181(3)
4.4.2 Anti-harmonic neutral roots
184(1)
4.4.3 Disharmonic roots
185(1)
4.4.4 Non-alternating suffixes
185(1)
4.4.5 On harmony "that cannot be represented"
186(1)
4.4.5.1 The count effect
186(2)
4.4.5.2 Polysyllabic split
188(1)
4.4.5.3 Truncation
188(1)
4.4.5.4 Harmonic uniformity
189(1)
4.4.5.5 The transparency hierarchy
190(1)
4.4.5.6 How transparent vowels do not behave and why
190(2)
4.4.6 Labial harmony
192(2)
4.4.7 Concluding remarks
194(1)
4.5 Other cases of palatal harmony
194(1)
4.6 Concluding remarks
195(2)
5 Labial harmony
197(45)
5.1 Introduction
197(1)
5.2 Standard Turkish
197(20)
5.2.1 The basic pattern
197(6)
5.2.2 Irregular suffixes
203(1)
5.2.3 Harmonizing epenthetic vowels
204(2)
5.2.4 Disharmonic roots
206(9)
5.2.5 Consonants and harmony
215(1)
5.2.5.1 The palatal lateral
215(1)
5.2.5.2 Front suffixes after non-palatal consonants
215(1)
5.2.5.3 Labial attraction
216(1)
5.2.6 Conclusions
216(1)
5.3 A typology of labial harmony
217(13)
5.3.1 Logical combinations of palatal and labial harmony
217(1)
5.3.2 Defective patterns in labial harmony
218(3)
5.3.3 Generalizations
221(5)
5.3.4 The interdependency between labial harmony and palatal harmony
226(1)
5.3.5 Defective patterns in palatal harmony
227(2)
5.3.6 Conclusions
229(1)
5.4 Three other Turkic languages
230(4)
5.4.1 Diphthongs in Yakut
230(1)
5.4.2 Bashkir
231(2)
5.4.3 Azerbaijani suffixes
233(1)
5.5 Yowlumne
234(4)
5.6 Harmony by non-licensing
238(1)
5.7 A catalog of dependencies
239(2)
5.8 Concluding remarks
241(1)
6 Aperture harmony
242(47)
6.1 Introduction
242(3)
6.2 Preliminary considerations
245(7)
6.3 Lowering and raising harmony in Bantu languages
252(19)
6.3.1 Lowering
252(1)
6.3.1.1 Typological generalizations
252(3)
6.3.1.2 Kikuyu
255(4)
6.3.1.3 Complete aperture harmony: Kimatuumbi
259(2)
6.3.1.4 Esimbi
261(2)
6.3.1.5 Shona
263(1)
6.3.2 Raising
264(1)
6.3.2.1 Nzebi
264(1)
6.3.2.2 Kinande
265(1)
6.3.2.3 Zulu
266(1)
6.3.2.4 Bantu
267(1)
6.3.2.5 Additional cases of `raising'
267(4)
6.3.3 Conclusions
271(1)
6.4 Lhasa Tibetan
271(3)
6.5 Farsi
274(1)
6.6 Raising and lowering in Romance languages
275(13)
6.6.1 Raising and lowering in Pasiego Spanish
275(3)
6.6.2 Metaphony in Italian dialects
278(1)
6.6.2.1 Representative examples
278(2)
6.6.2.2 Formal analysis
280(7)
6.6.3 Discussion and conclusions
287(1)
6.7 Concluding remarks
288(1)
7 Typology of African tongue root systems
289(42)
7.1 Introduction
289(1)
7.2 General aspects
290(40)
7.2.1 Asymmetries in TR systems
293(9)
7.2.2 Markedness paradoxes involving [ ATR]
302(8)
7.2.3 A parallel
310(1)
7.2.4 Toward an explanatory account
311(8)
7.2.5 Patterns of merger
319(3)
7.2.6 Opacity and transparency
322(1)
7.2.6.1 1H systems: Bantu C
323(6)
7.2.6.2 Summary
329(1)
7.3 Concluding remarks
330(1)
8 Case studies of African tongue root systems
331(34)
8.1 Introduction
331(1)
8.2 Niger-Congo
331(20)
8.2.1 Wolof (Atlantic)
331(3)
8.2.2 Okpe (Kwa)
334(3)
8.2.3 Ogori (Kwa)
337(2)
8.2.4 C'Lela (Benue-Congo; Non-Bantu, Kainji)
339(1)
8.2.5 Tunen (Benue-Congo; Bantu)
340(2)
8.2.6 Yoruba (Benue-Congo; Bantu)
342(1)
8.2.6.1 Standard Yoruba in Radical Underspecification Theory using active [ --ATR]
343(4)
8.2.6.2 An analysis with active [ +ATR]
347(1)
8.2.6.3 Standard Yoruba in RcvP
348(1)
8.2.6.4 Ijesa/Ekiti Yoruba
349(1)
8.2.6.5 Ife Yoruba
349(2)
8.3 Nilo-Saharan
351(9)
8.3.1 Maasai (Eastern Sudanic)
351(4)
8.3.2 Turkana (Eastern Sudanic)
355(2)
8.3.3 Bari (Eastern Sudanic)
357(1)
8.3.4 Lango (Western Sudanic)
358(1)
8.3.5 Moru-Madi (Central Sudanic)
359(1)
8.4 Afro-Asiatic
360(3)
8.4.1 Somali (Cushitic)
361(1)
8.4.2 Kera (Chadic)
362(1)
8.5 Concluding remarks
363(2)
9 Asian tongue root systems
365(37)
9.1 Introduction
365(1)
9.2 ATR' or `RTR'?
365(7)
9.3 Tungusic languages
372(22)
9.3.1 Southwest Tungusic: Classical Manchu and its descendants
373(9)
9.3.2 Southeast Tungusic
382(6)
9.3.3 Northern Tungusic
388(5)
9.3.4 Concluding remarks about Tungusic languages
393(1)
9.4 Mongolian languages
394(6)
9.4.1 Type I: Khalkha, Shuluun Hoh
395(3)
9.4.2 Type II-IV languages
398(2)
9.5 Concluding remarks
400(2)
10 Other cases of vowel harmony
402(40)
10.1 Introduction
402(1)
10.2 Other Asian systems
402(6)
10.2.1 Middle Korean
402(2)
10.2.2 Chukchi
404(4)
10.3 North American systems
408(7)
10.3.1 Nez Perce
408(4)
10.3.2 Coeur d'Alene
412(1)
10.3.3 Menomini
413(2)
10.4 South American systems: Karaja
415(2)
10.5 Australian systems
417(5)
10.5.1 Djingili
418(2)
10.5.2 Warlpiri
420(1)
10.5.3 Nuangumardu
421(1)
10.6 Austronesian languages
422(2)
10.6.1 Kimaragang
422(2)
10.6.2 Javanese
424(1)
10.7 Arabic systems
424(2)
10.7.1 Maltese
424(1)
10.7.2 Palestinian Arabic
425(1)
10.7.3 Tigre
426(1)
10.8 Indian systems
426(6)
10.8.1 Assamese
426(4)
10.8.2 Telugu
430(2)
10.9 Laxing harmony in Romance
432(4)
10.9.1 Andalusian Spanish
433(2)
10.9.2 Pasiego Spanish
435(1)
10.9.3 Canadian French
436(1)
10.10 Stress-induced harmony
436(3)
10.10.1 Umlaut in Germanic
437(1)
10.10.2 Chamorro
438(1)
10.11 Retroflex harmony
439(1)
10.12 Nasal harmony
440(1)
10.13 Vowel harmony in ancient languages: Sumerian
440(1)
10.14 Concluding remarks
441(1)
11 Summary and areas for further research
442(15)
11.1 Introduction
442(1)
11.2 Summary of the theory
442(8)
11.3 System dependency
450(2)
11.4 A general framework for opacity and transparency
452(1)
11.5 Dependencies among tiers
453(3)
11.6 Conclusions to this book
456(1)
References 457(35)
Language Index 492(5)
Subject Index 497
Harry van der Hulst is Professor of Linguistics and Director of Undergraduate Studies at the University of Connecticut. His particular research interests include stress, syllabic structure, segmental structure, sign language, gesture, language evolution, and phonological acquisition. His many books include The Phonological Structure of Words: An Introduction (with Colin Ewen; CUP 2001) and, as editor, Word Stress (CUP 2014) and he is Editor-in-Chief of the journal The Linguistic Review.