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Case-Marking in Contact: The development and function of case morphology in Gurindji Kriol [Kõva köide]

(University of Queensland)
  • Formaat: Hardback, 311 pages, kõrgus x laius: 245x164 mm, kaal: 770 g
  • Sari: Creole Language Library 39
  • Ilmumisaeg: 14-Sep-2011
  • Kirjastus: John Benjamins Publishing Co
  • ISBN-10: 9027252610
  • ISBN-13: 9789027252616
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Case-Marking in Contact: The development and function of case morphology in Gurindji KriolSuurem pilt
  • Formaat: Hardback, 311 pages, kõrgus x laius: 245x164 mm, kaal: 770 g
  • Sari: Creole Language Library 39
  • Ilmumisaeg: 14-Sep-2011
  • Kirjastus: John Benjamins Publishing Co
  • ISBN-10: 9027252610
  • ISBN-13: 9789027252616
Teised raamatud teemal:
Püsilink: https://www.kriso.ee/db/9789027252616.html
Märksõnad:
Until recently, mixed languages were considered an oddity of contact linguistics, with debates about whether or not they actually existed stifling much descriptive work or discussion of their origins. These debates have shifted from questioning their existence to a focus on their formation, and their social and structural features. This book aims to advance our understanding of how mixed languages evolve by introducing a substantial corpus from a newly-described mixed language, Gurindji Kriol. Gurindji Kriol is spoken by the Gurindji people who live at Kalkaringi in northern Australia and is the result of pervasive code-switching practices. Although Gurindji Kriol bears some resemblance to both of its source languages, it uses the forms from these languages to function within a unique system. This book focuses on one structural aspect of Gurindji Kriol, case morphology, which is from Gurindji, but functions in ways that differ from its source.
List of figures
xiii
Acknowledgements xv
List of abbreviations
xvii
Conventions used in transcription and glossing xviii
Conventions used to indicate source of data xviii
Chapter 1 Introduction
1(54)
1.1 Preamble
1(3)
1.2 Previous work on Gurindji Kriol
4(2)
1.3 Overview of this volume
6(5)
1.4 An overview of the origins and structure of Gurindji Kriol
11(10)
1.4.1 The origins and use of Gurindji Kriol
11(1)
1.4.2 The structural sources of Gurindji Kriol
12(1)
1.4.2.1 The structure of Gurindji
13(2)
1.4.2.2 The structure of Kriol
15(3)
1.4.2.3 The structure of Gurindji Kriol
18(3)
1.5 The form and function of case morphology in Gurindji Kriol
21(14)
1.5.1 Ergative case suffix
23(2)
1.5.2 Dative case suffix
25(4)
1.5.3 Locative case suffix
29(2)
1.5.4 Allative case suffix
31(2)
1.5.5 Ablative case suffix
33(2)
1.6 The classification of Gurindji Kriol as a mixed language
35(11)
1.6.1 Gurindji Kriol in relation to other mixed languages
35(1)
1.6.1.1 Socio-historical origins and features of mixed languages
36(3)
1.6.1.2 Structural origins and features of mixed languages
39(2)
1.6.2 Gurindji Kriol: An autonomous language system or code-switching?
41(5)
1.7 Participants, data and methodology
46(9)
1.7.1 Participants
46(1)
1.7.2 Data and methodology
47(1)
1.7.3 The Gurindji Kriol data
48(1)
1.7.3.1 The Gurindji Kriol corpus
49(1)
1.7.3.1.1 Conversation data
49(1)
1.7.3.1.2 Picture-prompt narrative data
50(1)
1.7.3.1.3 Peer clause elicitation
51(4)
Chapter 2 The socio-political origins and setting of Gurindji Kriol
55(30)
2.1 Situating Gurindji Kriol
55(3)
2.2 The language ecology of Kalkaringi
58(12)
2.2.1 Gurindji
59(4)
2.2.2 Warlpiri
63(1)
2.2.3 English
64(1)
2.2.4 Kriol
65(1)
2.2.5 Gurindji Kriol
66(1)
2.2.6 Language mixing in Kalkaringi
67(3)
2.3 A brief socio-political and linguistic history of the Gurindji people
70(8)
2.3.1 Pre-contact history and language use
71(2)
2.3.2 The European invasion
73(5)
2.4 The Gurindji people today
78(1)
2.5 The contribution of social factors to the formation of Gurindji Kriol
79(4)
2.6 Conclusion
83(2)
Chapter 3 The effect of language contact on inflectional morphology
85(24)
3.1 Introduction
85(1)
3.2 Borrowing and inflectional morphology
86(6)
3.2.1 What can be borrowed? Descriptive approaches
86(1)
3.2.2 Explanatory models of borrowing: Structural constraints approaches
87(2)
3.2.3 Explanatory models of borrowing: Social factors affecting borrowing
89(3)
3.3 Code-switching and inflectional morphology
92(3)
3.4 Pidgins, Creoles and inflectional morphology
95(4)
3.5 Language obsolescence and inflectional morphology
99(3)
3.6 Mixed languages and inflectional morphology
102(4)
3.7 Conclusion
106(3)
Chapter 4 Code-switching origins: The source of case-marking in Gurindji Kriol
109(20)
4.1 Introduction
109(3)
4.2 Code-switching as a predecessor to Gurindji Kriol in
4.3 A descriptive overview of Gurindji-Kriol code-switching
112(10)
4.3.1 Identifying the matrix language
113(1)
4.3.2 Gurindji case-marking in 1970s code-switching
114(5)
4.3.3 Gurindji case-marked nominals in modern code-switching data
119(3)
4.4 Motivations for Gurindji-Kriol code-switching patterns
122(5)
4.4.1 Gurindji-Kriol code-switching and constraints approaches
123(2)
4.4.2 Gurindji-Kriol code-switching and categorial congruence
125(2)
4.5 Conclusion
127(2)
Chapter 5 The Transition from code-switching to a mixed language
129(26)
5.1 Introduction
129(1)
5.2 The typology of code-switching and mixed languages
130(12)
5.2.1 Insertional and alternational strategies in Gurindji-Kriol code-switching
131(4)
5.2.2 Typological comparisons between code-switching and mixed languages
135(2)
5.2.3 Insertional and alternational patterns in Gurindji Kriol, the mixed language
137(5)
5.3 The transition from code-switching to mixed languages
142(5)
5.3.1 Transitional models of mixed language genesis
142(3)
5.3.2 Gurindji-Kriol mixing in the 1980s
145(2)
5.4 The predictability of code-switching and mixed languages
147(3)
5.5 Gurindji Kriol as the product of insertional and alternational code-switching
150(2)
5.6 Conclusion
152(3)
Chapter 6 Attributive possessive constructions in Gurindji Kriol
155(20)
6.1 Introduction
155(1)
6.2 An overview of possessive constructions in Gurindji Kriol
156(2)
6.3 Attributive possessive constructions in Gurindji Kriol's source languages
158(5)
6.3.1 Gurindji
158(3)
6.3.2 Kriol
161(2)
6.4 Attributive possessive constructions and alienability in Gurindji Kriol
163(10)
6.4.1 The range of attributive possessive constructions
163(1)
6.4.1.1 Prepositional constructions (E1)
164(1)
6.4.1.2 NP-dat NP (A1) versus NP NP (B1) constructions
165(1)
6.4.1.3 ProDy4rNP (A2) versus Pro4CCNP (B2) constructions
166(2)
6.4.2 Marking alienability in Gurindji Kriol
168(3)
6.4.3 Alienability and possession in other contact situations
171(1)
6.4.4 Marking neim `name' in Gurindji Kriol
172(1)
6.5 Conclusion
173(2)
Chapter 7 Topological relations in Gurindji Kriol
175(14)
7.1 Introduction
175(1)
7.2 An overview of topological relations in Gurindji Kriol
176(1)
7.3 Topological relations in Gurindji Kriol's source languages
177(2)
7.3.1 Gurindji
177(1)
7.3.2 Kriol
178(1)
7.4 Topological relations in Gurindji Kriol
179(8)
7.4.1 Marking topological relations in Gurindji Kriol
179(2)
7.4.2 What affects the use of langa in Gurindji Kriol
181(6)
7.5 Conclusion
187(2)
Chapter 8 Goal constructions in Gurindji Kriol
189(20)
8.1 Introduction
189(1)
8.2 An overview of goal marking in locomotion events in Gurindji Kriol
190(3)
8.3 Goal marking in locomotion events in Gurindji Kriol's source languages
193(5)
8.3.1 Gurindji
193(2)
8.3.2 Kriol
195(3)
8.4 Goal marking in Gurindji Kriol
198(7)
8.4.1 The range of goal marking in locomotion events in Gurindji Kriol
198(3)
8.4.2 Convergence in goal marking in Gurindji Kriol
201(1)
8.4.2.1 Animate goal marking and the dative preposition
202(1)
8.4.2.2 The use of the locative case-suffix
203(2)
8.5 The extension oflocal case markers in other Australian contact languages
205(1)
8.6 Conclusion
206(3)
Chapter 9 Argument marking in Gurindji Kriol
209(32)
9.1 Introduction
209(1)
9.2 An overview of optional ergative marking in Gurindji Kriol
210(1)
9.3 Argument marking in Gurindji Kriol's source languages
211(2)
9.3.1 Gurindji
211(1)
9.3.2 Kriol
212(1)
9.4 Argument marking in Gurindji Kriol
213(5)
9.5 Factors motivating the appearance of the ergative marker in Gurindji Kriol
218(10)
9.5.1 Sociolinguistic, register and lexical variables
219(2)
9.5.2 Transitivity variables
221(5)
9.5.3 Clausal variables
226(2)
9.6 The ergative marker and information structure
228(9)
9.6.1 Contrast
231(1)
9.6.2 Newness
232(1)
9.6.3 Left-dislocation
233(1)
9.6.4 Right-dislocated A nominals
234(1)
9.6.5 Emphatic subject chains
235(2)
9.7 Optional ergativity in Australian languages
237(2)
9.8 Conclusion
239(2)
Chapter 10 Conclusion: Contact and competition between Gurindji case marking and Kriol functional equivalents
241(18)
10.1 Introduction
241(2)
10.2 Functional and structural equivalence in language competition
243(4)
10.3 Outcomes of language contact and competition in Gurindji Kriol
247(3)
10.4 Language variation in Gurindji Kriol
250(7)
10.5 Concluding remarks
257(2)
Appendix 1 200 word list
259(4)
Appendix 2 Consistency in the expression of an event
263(2)
Appendix 3 Sample of glossed Gurindji Kriol texts
265(22)
Appendix 3.1 FM060.A.
266(4)
Appendix 3.2 FM057.C.
270(3)
Appendix 3.3 FM041.D.
273(2)
Appendix 3.4 FM017.D.
275(3)
Appendix 3.5 FHM141
278(3)
Appendix 3.6 FHM149
281(6)
Appendix 4 Statistical output
287(4)
References 291(16)
Index 307