General preface |
|
x | |
Acknowledgements |
|
xi | |
|
|
xii | |
The contributors |
|
xvii | |
|
1 Humans, gods, and demons |
|
|
1 | (16) |
|
|
1.1 Part I: Gender and partition |
|
|
3 | (2) |
|
1.2 Part II: Locus of gender |
|
|
5 | (4) |
|
1.3 Part III: Morphosemantic noun classification |
|
|
9 | (4) |
|
|
13 | (4) |
|
Part I Gender and partition |
|
|
|
2 Partitioning the nominal domain: The convergence of morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics |
|
|
17 | (24) |
|
|
|
17 | (1) |
|
2.2 The logic of the problem |
|
|
17 | (3) |
|
|
20 | (10) |
|
2.3.1 Plains Cree animacy inflection |
|
|
21 | (3) |
|
2.3.2 Plains Cree class selects D |
|
|
24 | (1) |
|
2.3.3 Plains Cree animacy is discourse conditioned |
|
|
25 | (3) |
|
2.3.4 The interaction of animacy with obviation and biological gender |
|
|
28 | (2) |
|
|
30 | (9) |
|
|
31 | (2) |
|
2.4.2 Shona class is a feature on num |
|
|
33 | (2) |
|
2.4.3 Shona class is prolific |
|
|
35 | (4) |
|
|
39 | (2) |
|
3 Categorization as noun construction: Gender, number, and entity types |
|
|
41 | (26) |
|
|
|
41 | (1) |
|
3.2 Number and kind-level reading |
|
|
42 | (5) |
|
3.2.1 Two empirical observations |
|
|
42 | (2) |
|
3.2.2 Kinds and entity types |
|
|
44 | (3) |
|
3.3 Number and part structure |
|
|
47 | (7) |
|
3.3.1 The DP projection line |
|
|
47 | (2) |
|
3.3.2 A finer-grained division of reference |
|
|
49 | (3) |
|
3.3.3 Three empirical analyses |
|
|
52 | (2) |
|
3.4 Gender as a property of DP |
|
|
54 | (7) |
|
3.4.1 Gender above the `lexical' noun level |
|
|
54 | (2) |
|
3.4.2 `Interpreted' gender and variable positioning |
|
|
56 | (2) |
|
3.4.3 `Interpreted' gender and variable positioning: Evidence from Italian |
|
|
58 | (3) |
|
|
61 | (6) |
|
|
|
4 Multiple facets of constructional Arabic gender and `functional universalism' in the DP |
|
|
67 | (26) |
|
|
|
67 | (2) |
|
4.2 Classifier morpho-syntax in a number language |
|
|
69 | (10) |
|
4.2.1 Modes of functional unitization |
|
|
69 | (2) |
|
4.2.2 Group classification |
|
|
71 | (1) |
|
4.2.3 `Pseudo-partitive' semi-functional structure |
|
|
72 | (2) |
|
4.2.4 Functional singulatives and pluratives |
|
|
74 | (2) |
|
4.2.5 More on groups and singulatives |
|
|
76 | (3) |
|
4.3 Many distinct patterns of gender agreement |
|
|
79 | (10) |
|
4.3.1 Singular low Gen agreement |
|
|
79 | (3) |
|
4.3.2 Non-human based plural Gen agreement |
|
|
82 | (2) |
|
4.3.3 The `mixed' plurative or when Gen is Num (= Group) |
|
|
84 | (3) |
|
4.3.4 Partitives, groups, and kinds |
|
|
87 | (2) |
|
4.4 Further motivation for gender as constructional |
|
|
89 | (3) |
|
4.4.1 Gen as a `perspectiviser' |
|
|
89 | (1) |
|
|
90 | (1) |
|
4.4.3 Paucal Gen and paucal numerals |
|
|
90 | (1) |
|
|
91 | (1) |
|
|
92 | (1) |
|
|
93 | (26) |
|
|
|
93 | (1) |
|
5.2 Gender and nominal morphology in French |
|
|
94 | (7) |
|
5.2.1 Alternations with animate nouns |
|
|
96 | (1) |
|
5.2.2 Alternations with inanimate nouns |
|
|
97 | (2) |
|
5.2.3 Diminutive/augmentative |
|
|
99 | (1) |
|
|
100 | (1) |
|
|
100 | (1) |
|
|
101 | (1) |
|
5.3 The structure and representation of gender features |
|
|
101 | (4) |
|
|
101 | (3) |
|
5.3.2 A feature geometry for gender |
|
|
104 | (1) |
|
5.4 Pathways to interpretation |
|
|
105 | (10) |
|
5.4.1 The denotation of gender |
|
|
105 | (1) |
|
5.4.2 Presuppositional accounts of gender |
|
|
106 | (1) |
|
5.4.3 The interpretive mechanism |
|
|
107 | (3) |
|
5.4.4 Implementation in French |
|
|
110 | (4) |
|
5.4.5 Associating meanings of sub-structures |
|
|
114 | (1) |
|
|
115 | (2) |
|
|
117 | (2) |
|
6 The double life of gender and its structural consequences: A case study from Standard Italian |
|
|
119 | (17) |
|
|
|
119 | (2) |
|
6.2 Dissociating class marker and gender |
|
|
121 | (4) |
|
6.3 Natural gender and the order of syntactic operations |
|
|
125 | (4) |
|
6.4 Valuation from the context vs valuation from the lexicon |
|
|
129 | (2) |
|
6.5 Predictions: Category neutral roots |
|
|
131 | (3) |
|
|
134 | (2) |
|
7 On gender agreement in Brazilian Portuguese |
|
|
136 | (23) |
|
Danniel da Silva Carvalho |
|
|
|
136 | (2) |
|
7.2 Gender in Brazilian Portuguese |
|
|
138 | (2) |
|
7.3 Outlining gender as a feature |
|
|
140 | (2) |
|
7.4 The syntactic effect of gender |
|
|
142 | (5) |
|
7.5 Relativizing gender agreement |
|
|
147 | (7) |
|
7.6 On `non-Agreement' structures in Brazilian Portuguese |
|
|
154 | (2) |
|
7.7 On definiteness and agreement: The case of predicative agreement in German |
|
|
156 | (2) |
|
|
158 | (1) |
|
8 A novel kind of gender syncretism |
|
|
159 | (27) |
|
|
|
159 | (1) |
|
|
160 | (5) |
|
8.2.1 Gender, number, and syncretism |
|
|
160 | (2) |
|
8.2.2 Gender/number syncretism in DM |
|
|
162 | (3) |
|
|
165 | (11) |
|
|
166 | (4) |
|
8.3.2 Amharic: Prediction confirmed |
|
|
170 | (3) |
|
8.3.3 Haro: Metasyncretism |
|
|
173 | (3) |
|
|
176 | (7) |
|
8.4.1 Syncretism in DM and PFM |
|
|
176 | (1) |
|
8.4.2 Syncretism or syntax? |
|
|
177 | (6) |
|
|
183 | (3) |
|
9 (Grammatical) gender troubles and the gender of pronouns |
|
|
186 | (17) |
|
|
|
186 | (2) |
|
9.2 Grammatical versus semantic gender |
|
|
188 | (2) |
|
9.3 Gender and empty nouns |
|
|
190 | (4) |
|
9.4 A case of grammatical transgendering |
|
|
194 | (4) |
|
|
198 | (5) |
|
Part III Morphosemantic noun classification |
|
|
|
10 Number, names, and animacy: Nominal classes and plural interactions in Gitksan |
|
|
203 | (31) |
|
|
|
203 | (1) |
|
10.2 The basics of Gitksan morphosyntax |
|
|
204 | (3) |
|
10.3 Classification in AspP: The mass/count contrast |
|
|
207 | (8) |
|
10.3.1 Mass/count in Gitksan |
|
|
207 | (2) |
|
10.3.2 Properties of stem-level plurality |
|
|
209 | (3) |
|
10.3.3 The structure of mass/count and stem-plurals |
|
|
212 | (3) |
|
10.4 Classification in DP: The common/determinate contrast |
|
|
215 | (11) |
|
10.4.1 Properties of the common/determinate distinction |
|
|
216 | (3) |
|
10.4.2 Determinate number |
|
|
219 | (1) |
|
10.4.3 The semantics of dip |
|
|
220 | (4) |
|
10.4.4 Structuring determinacy and associativity |
|
|
224 | (2) |
|
10.5 Classification in φP: The animacy contrast |
|
|
226 | (6) |
|
10.5.1 The inanimate φ-system |
|
|
227 | (1) |
|
10.5.2 Pronominal plurality is not stem-plurality |
|
|
228 | (2) |
|
10.5.3 Pronominal plurality is not equivalent to associativity |
|
|
230 | (2) |
|
|
232 | (2) |
|
11 Plural marking on mass nouns: Evidence from Greek |
|
|
234 | (15) |
|
|
|
234 | (1) |
|
11.2 Theoretical background |
|
|
235 | (4) |
|
11.3 Plural mass nouns in Greek |
|
|
239 | (5) |
|
11.4 Cross-linguistic implications |
|
|
244 | (4) |
|
11.4.1 Halkomelem Salish and Blackfoot |
|
|
245 | (1) |
|
|
246 | (1) |
|
|
247 | (1) |
|
|
248 | (1) |
|
12 Productivity vs predictability: Evidence for the syntax and semantics of Animate gender in four Northeastern-area Algonquian languages |
|
|
249 | (17) |
|
|
|
249 | (2) |
|
12.2 Alternative accounts, and the current proposal |
|
|
251 | (3) |
|
12.3 A `family'-based model of Animate status |
|
|
254 | (3) |
|
12.3.1 The `family'-based approach |
|
|
254 | (1) |
|
12.3.2 Evidence for `family' effects: dual animacy and variable animacy |
|
|
255 | (2) |
|
12.4 Evidence for dynamic synchronic productivity: Passamaquoddy-Maliseet and Mi'kmaw |
|
|
257 | (1) |
|
12.5 The `family'-based model's synchronic processes in relation to variation and (systematic) diachronic change |
|
|
258 | (3) |
|
|
261 | (3) |
|
|
261 | (1) |
|
12.6.2 Modelling the semantics of Animate assignment |
|
|
262 | (1) |
|
12.6.3 Modelling the syntax of Animate assignment |
|
|
263 | (1) |
|
|
264 | (2) |
|
13 How to phraseologize nominal number |
|
|
266 | (15) |
|
|
|
266 | (1) |
|
13.2 Plural and singular -yb- nominals contrast: Evidence |
|
|
267 | (4) |
|
13.2.1 Agreement patterns confirm the split |
|
|
267 | (1) |
|
13.2.2 Quantifier and numeral patterns confirm the split |
|
|
268 | (2) |
|
13.2.3 Base contrasts confirm the split |
|
|
270 | (1) |
|
13.3 Theoretical assumptions |
|
|
271 | (4) |
|
|
275 | (2) |
|
13.5 Conclusions, predictions, and further questions |
|
|
277 | (4) |
References |
|
281 | (24) |
Index |
|
305 | |