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Inflectional Morphology in Harmonic Serialism [Kõva köide]

  • Formaat: Hardback, 362 pages, kõrgus x laius: 234x156 mm, kaal: 499 g
  • Sari: Advances in Optimality Theory
  • Ilmumisaeg: 04-Aug-2020
  • Kirjastus: Equinox Publishing Ltd
  • ISBN-10: 1781798087
  • ISBN-13: 9781781798089
Teised raamatud teemal:
Inflectional Morphology in Harmonic SerialismSuurem pilt
  • Formaat: Hardback, 362 pages, kõrgus x laius: 234x156 mm, kaal: 499 g
  • Sari: Advances in Optimality Theory
  • Ilmumisaeg: 04-Aug-2020
  • Kirjastus: Equinox Publishing Ltd
  • ISBN-10: 1781798087
  • ISBN-13: 9781781798089
Teised raamatud teemal:
Püsilink: https://www.kriso.ee/db/9781781798089.html
Märksõnad:
Harmonic serialism is an active research programme in phonology and syntax but has so far not been pursued in morphology. This book delivers a proof of concept: It shows that harmonic serialism can be substantiated as a viable approach to inflectional morphology, covering roughly the same ground as standard models like Distributed Morphology or Paradigm Function Morphology. Furthermore, based on empirical evidence from a variety of typologically different languages, Inflectional Morphology in Harmonic Serialism offers a fresh perspective on the composition of inflected words that is made possible by a strictly derivational orientation incorporating repeated optimization procedures. This gives rise to new and convincing solutions to some recalcitrant problems in inflectional morphology, related to phenomena like affix order, extended exponence, disjunctive blocking, non-local stem allomorphy, *ABA patterns, impoverishment effects, deponency, and paradigm gaps. The book introduces harmonic serialism from scratch and develops morphological analyses against the background of applications of the theory in phonology and syntax. It will be of use to students and scholars interested in morphology, phonology, syntax, and grammatical theory more generally.
Acknowledgements ix
1 Background
1(32)
1 Proof of Concept
1(1)
2 Inflectional Morphology
2(4)
3 Harmonic Serialism
6(25)
3.1 Basic Assumptions
6(2)
3.2 Transfer
8(1)
3.2.1 Complex Onset Avoidance in Classical Arabic
8(2)
3.2.2 Do Support with Negation in English
10(9)
3.3 Intermediate Outputs
19(1)
3.3.1 Stress-Syncope Interaction in Macushi Carib
19(3)
3.3.2 SpecC Expletives in German
22(9)
4 Overview
31(2)
2 Prom Optimality Theory to Harmonic Serialism
33(60)
1 Introduction
33(1)
2 Disjunctive Blocking
34(20)
2.1 Disjunctive Blocking in Classical Approaches
34(5)
2.2 Disjunctive Blocking in Standard Parallel Optimality Theory
39(5)
2.3 Further Case Studies
44(1)
2.3.1 Italian Object Clitics
44(2)
2.3.2 Agent Focus Markers in Mayan
46(3)
2.4 Disjunctive Blocking in Harmonic Serialism
49(5)
3 Affix Order
54(39)
3.1 Introduction
54(1)
3.2 Affix Order in Standard Parallel Optimality Theory: Wardaman
55(4)
3.3 Affix Order in Harmonic Serialism: Wardaman
59(1)
3.3.1 A First Implementation
59(4)
3.3.2 A Second Implementation
63(4)
3.4 Affix Order in Standard Parallel Optimality Theory: Island Kiwai
67(2)
3.5 Affix Order in Harmonic Serialism: Island Kiwai
69(7)
3.6 Discontinuous Exponence
76(1)
3.6.1 Introduction
76(1)
3.6.2 Verb Inflection in Wambon
77(4)
3.6.3 Past Participles in German
81(3)
3.7 Reflexes of Movement in Derivational Morphology
84(5)
3.8 Reflexes of Movement in Inflectional Morphology
89(4)
3 Extended Exponence
93(68)
1 Introduction
93(1)
2 Extended Exponence
93(13)
2.1 Introduction
93(1)
2.2 Extended Exponence of Number in German
94(1)
2.3 Extended Exponence of Number in Archi
95(1)
2.4 Extended Exponence of Case and Person in Timucua
96(1)
2.5 Extended Exponence of Person in Sierra Popoluca
97(2)
2.6 Extended Exponence of Negation in Swahili
99(1)
2.7 Interim Conclusion
100(6)
3 Minimize Satisfaction in Phonology: Counter-Bleeding
106(9)
3.1 The Problem
106(6)
3.2 A Minimize Satisfaction Approach to Counter-Bleeding in Phonology
112(3)
4 Minimize Satisfaction in Syntax: Merge over Move
115(9)
4.1 Merge over Move
115(1)
4.2 Expletive Constructions in English
116(1)
4.3 Control into Adjuncts
117(1)
4.4 Asymmetric Coordination
118(2)
4.5 A Minimize Satisfaction Approach to Merge over Move in Syntax
120(3)
4.6 On the Nature of Minimize Satisfaction
123(1)
5 Minimize Satisfaction in Morphology: Extended Exponence
124(1)
5.1 Morphological Arrays
124(3)
5.2 Extended Exponence by Minimize Satisfaction
127(7)
5.3 Extended Exponence and Subanalysis
134(7)
5.4 Discontinuous Extended Exponence
141(1)
5.4.1 Discontinuous Extended Exponence of Person and Case in Timucua
141(5)
5.4.2 Discontinuous Extended Exponence of Negation in Swahili
146(7)
5.5 Stratal Optimality Theory
153(3)
6 Conclusion and Outlook
156(5)
4 Disjunctive Blocking Revisited
161(60)
1 The Problem
161(3)
2 Structure Removal
164(4)
2.1 Structure Removal in Syntax
164(3)
2.2 Structure Removal in Morphology
167(1)
3 Disjunctive Blocking by Structure Removal
168(18)
3.1 Introduction
168(3)
3.2 Dative Masculine Singular Contexts
171(8)
3.3 Genitive Neuter Singular Contexts
179(6)
3.4 Other Contexts
185(1)
4 Bigger Leaps
186(7)
5 Disjunctive Blocking and Extended Exponence Intertwined
193(23)
5.1 A Problem
193(1)
5.2 Disjunctive Blocking and Extended Exponence in Subject Agreement in Udihe
193(15)
5.3 Disjunctive Blocking and Extended Exponence in Case Marking in German
208(8)
6 Outlook
216(5)
5 Suppletion
221(60)
1 Non-Local Allomorphy
221(27)
1.1 The Phenomenon
221(4)
1.2 State of the Art
225(2)
1.3 Non-Local Stem Allomorphy in Harmonic Serialism
227(1)
1.3.1 Morphological Arrays and Movement
227(2)
1.3.2 Stem Allomorphy
229(3)
1.3.3 A Case Study of Local Stem Allomorphy: Russian Nouns
232(8)
1.3.4 A Case Study of Non-Local Stem Allomorphy: Tamil Personal Pronouns
240(8)
2 *ABA
248(33)
2.1 The Phenomenon
248(1)
2.1.1 The Comparative-Superlative Generalization
249(4)
2.1.2 Ablaut in German
253(3)
2.2 *ABA in Harmonic Serialism
256(1)
2.2.1 Initial Considerations
256(3)
2.2.2 Analysis
259(1)
2.2.3 AAA Patterns
260(3)
2.2.4 ABC Patterns
263(6)
2.2.5 AAC Patterns
269(2)
2.2.6 ABB Patterns
271(1)
2.2.7 * ABA Patterns
272(3)
2.2.8 Discussion
275(6)
6 Consequences
281(38)
1 Implementing Impoverishment
281(16)
1.1 Impoverishment in Optimality Theory
281(1)
1.1.1 Introduction
281(3)
1.1.2 Impoverishment Effects in Trommer (2003)
284(3)
1.1.3 Impoverishment Effects in Don & Blom (2006)
287(3)
1.1.4 Impoverishment Effects in Wunderlich (2004)
290(3)
1.1.5 Impoverishment Effects in Keine & Muller (2011; 2014)
293(2)
1.2 Impoverishment in Harmonic Serialism
295(2)
2 Deriving Deponency
297(7)
2.1 The Phenomenon
297(2)
2.2 Deponency in Optimality Theory
299(3)
2.3 Deponency in Harmonic Serialism
302(2)
3 Explaining Paradigm Gaps
304(11)
3.1 Buridan's Ass
304(1)
3.2 Genitive Plural of Weak Feminines in Icelandic
305(4)
3.3 First Person Singular Present Tense of Russian i-Conjugation Verbs
309(2)
3.4 Genitive Zero Plurals in Russian
311(4)
4 Fixed vs. Variable Rankings
315(2)
5 Conclusion
317(2)
References 319(27)
Index 346
Gereon Muller is Professor of General Linguistics at Universitat Leipzig.