Acknowledgments |
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xi | |
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xv | |
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1 Introduction: The Issue of Exempt Anaphora |
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1 | (2) |
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1.1 The Distributional Properties of Exempt Anaphors |
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3 | (4) |
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1.1.1 No Obligatory Local Binding |
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3 | (3) |
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1.1.2 No Obligatory Exhaustive Binding |
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6 | (1) |
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1.1.3 Availability of Strict Readings |
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6 | (1) |
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1.1.4 Free Variation with Pronouns |
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7 | (1) |
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1.2 Main Previous Solutions to (Apparent) Exemption |
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7 | (15) |
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1.2.1 Reformulating Condition A |
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8 | (2) |
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1.2.2 Reducing Surface Long-Distance Binding to Covert Local Binding |
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10 | (2) |
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1.2.3 Equating Exempt Anaphors to Pronouns Subject to Discourse Conditions |
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12 | (1) |
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1.2.3.1 Exempt Anaphors as Logophoric Pronouns |
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12 | (1) |
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1.2.3.2 Exempt Anaphors as Intensive Pronouns |
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13 | (2) |
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1.2.4 Predicate-Based Theories |
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15 | (7) |
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1.3 Preview of the Proposal |
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22 | (6) |
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1.3.1 The Main Issues to Solve |
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22 | (1) |
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1.3.1.1 Methodological: How to Distinguish Exempt from Plain Anaphors |
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22 | (1) |
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1.3.1.2 Theoretical: How to Reduce Exempt to Plain Anaphors |
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23 | (2) |
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1.3.2 The Solution in a Nutshell |
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25 | (1) |
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1.3.2.1 Methodological: The Inanimacy-Based Strategy |
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25 | (1) |
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1.3.2.2 Theoretical: The Logophoric A-Binder Hypothesis |
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26 | (2) |
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2 How to Identify Exempt Anaphors |
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28 | (1) |
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2.1 Adapting the Inanimacy Strategy to the Issue of Exempt Anaphora |
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29 | (1) |
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2.1.1 The Inanimacy Strategy in Charnavel and Sportiche (2016a) |
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29 | (3) |
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2.1.2 Inanimacy as a Tool to Determine the Scope of Exemption |
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32 | (2) |
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2.1.3 Comparison with Other Interpretation-Based Diagnostics |
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34 | (1) |
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2.1.3.1 Two Logophoricity-Based Diagnostics Used for Mandarin ziji |
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34 | (2) |
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2.1.3.2 The Irrelevance of Focus for Exemption |
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36 | (3) |
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2.2 Re-examining the Distributional Properties of Exempt Anaphors |
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39 | (19) |
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2.2.1 The French Anaphors son propre and lui-meme |
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39 | (5) |
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2.2.2 No Obligatory Local Binding |
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44 | (7) |
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2.2.3 No Obligatory Exhaustive Binding |
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51 | (1) |
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2.2.4 Availability of Strict Readings |
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52 | (2) |
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2.2.5 Disproving the Diagnostic of Non-Complementarity with Pronouns |
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54 | (4) |
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2.3 Controlling for Independent Properties |
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58 | (30) |
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2.3.1 Anaphors in Competition with Weaker Elements |
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59 | (13) |
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2.3.2 Anaphors in Agreeing Positions |
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72 | (4) |
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2.3.3 Anaphors and Intensifiers |
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76 | (12) |
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2.4 Appendix: Questionnaires on English himself and French lui-meme/son propre |
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88 | (20) |
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2.4.1 Inanimate itself and Animate himself |
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89 | (6) |
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2.4.1.1 Inanimate and Animate lui-meme |
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95 | (6) |
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2.4.2 Inanimate and Animate Possessor son (propre) (see Charnavel 2012) |
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101 | (7) |
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3 The Logophoric Properties of Exempt Anaphors |
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108 | (2) |
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3.1 Logophoricity and Anaphors in the Previous Literature |
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110 | (1) |
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3.1.1 The Notion of Perspective Inspired by Literary Studies |
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110 | (1) |
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3.1.1.1 English Tradition |
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110 | (5) |
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3.1.1.2 Japanese Tradition |
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115 | (5) |
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3.1.2 The Emergence of the Notion of Logophoricity in Studies on African Languages |
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120 | (5) |
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3.1.3 Impact of Logophoricity on Philosophical Approaches on de se Attitudes |
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125 | (1) |
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3.1.3.1 Castaneda (1966-1968), Perry (1979), Lewis (1979): the specificity of attitudes de se |
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125 | (1) |
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3.1.3.2 Chierchia (1989): exempt reflexives as operator-bound de se elements |
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126 | (1) |
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3.1.3.3 Schlenker (1999): logophoric reflexives as shifted indexicals |
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127 | (5) |
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3.1.3.4 Pearson (2015): some logophoric pronouns can be construed de re |
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132 | (1) |
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3.1.4 Division of Logophoricity into Subtypes |
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133 | (1) |
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3.1.4.1 Sells (1987): Source/Self/Pivot |
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133 | (4) |
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3.1.4.2 Oshima (2006): Logophoricity/empathy |
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137 | (1) |
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3.1.4.3 Nishigauchi (2014): Sentience/Empathy |
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138 | (1) |
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3.2 Attitudinal Exempt Anaphors |
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139 | (25) |
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3.2.1 Detecting Attitude Holders in Their Attitude Contexts |
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141 | (1) |
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3.2.1.1 Diagnosing Embedded Attitude Contexts |
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141 | (1) |
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3.2.1.2 Diagnosing Third-Person Attitude Holders in Their Attitude Contexts |
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142 | (9) |
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3.2.1.3 The Speaker as Attitude Holder |
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151 | (1) |
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3.2.2 Attitude Holders as Possible Antecedents of Exempt Anaphors |
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151 | (1) |
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152 | (3) |
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3.2.2.2 Cases of Multiple Embedding |
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155 | (2) |
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3.2.3 Interpretive Constraints on the Domain of Attitudinal Exempt Anaphors |
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157 | (7) |
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3.3 Empathic Exempt Anaphors |
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164 | (114) |
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3.3.1 Diagnosing Empathy Loci |
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165 | (1) |
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3.3.1.1 What Is an Empathy Locus? |
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165 | (2) |
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3.3.1.2 Possessive cher Test in French |
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167 | (3) |
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3.3.1.3 Sibling Terms in Korean |
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170 | (2) |
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3.3.2 Empathy Loci as Possible Antecedents of Exempt Anaphors |
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172 | (3) |
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3.3.3 Interpretive Constraints on the Domain of Empathic Exempt Anaphors |
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175 | (1) |
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3.3.4 Interaction between Empathy and Attitude |
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176 | (2) |
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3.4 Attitudinal and Empathic Anaphors as Only Possible Exempt Anaphors |
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178 | (16) |
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3.4.1 Unacceptability of Non-Attitudinal and Non-Empathic Exempt Anaphors |
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179 | (3) |
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3.4.2 The Non-Logophoricity of Deictic Perspective |
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182 | (1) |
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3.4.2.1 Diagnosing Third-Person Deictic Centers |
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182 | (3) |
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3.4.2.2 Deictic Centers as Impossible Antecedents for Exempt Anaphors |
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185 | (4) |
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3.4.3 Addressees as Attitude Holders or Empathy Loci |
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189 | (5) |
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3.5 Unifying and Extending the Notion of Logophoricity |
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194 | (1) |
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3.5.1 Logophoricity as Mental, First-Personal Perspective |
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194 | (3) |
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3.5.2 Logophoricity beyond Anaphora |
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197 | (5) |
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201 | (1) |
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3.6.1 Questionnaire on Korean cachey and caki-casin (see Ahn & Charnavel 2017) |
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202 | (1) |
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202 | (3) |
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3.6.1.2 Animate caki-casin |
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205 | (4) |
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3.6.2 Pilot Study on French ce |
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209 | (4) |
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4 The Logophoric A-Binder Hypothesis |
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213 | (1) |
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4.1 Proposal: The Logophoric A-Binder Hypothesis |
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214 | (1) |
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4.1.1 The Hypothesis: Reducing Logophoric Binding to A-Binding |
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214 | (3) |
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4.1.2 Applying the Analysis to Examples |
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217 | (6) |
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4.1.3 Further Motivating the Reduction of Logophoric Domains to Spellout Domains |
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223 | (1) |
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4.1.3.1 Perspective Switches within Clauses |
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224 | (3) |
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4.1.3.2 Absence of Condition C and Condition B Effects |
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227 | (5) |
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4.2 Novel Independent Evidence from Local Exhaustive Co-Reference Effects |
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232 | (7) |
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4.2.1 The Illusion of Non-Exhaustive Binding |
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232 | (2) |
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4.2.2 Indirect Evidence for Exhaustive Binding |
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234 | (5) |
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4.3 Further Specifying the Argument from Parsimony |
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239 | (8) |
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4.3.1 Deriving the Availability of Strict Readings |
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240 | (4) |
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4.3.2 The Issue of Parsimony in Previous Hypotheses |
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244 | (3) |
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4.4 Further Specifying the Argument from Logophoric Interpretation |
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247 | (17) |
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4.4.1 Deriving the Logophoric Interpretation of Exempt Anaphors |
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248 | (8) |
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4.4.2 The Issue of Logophoric Interpretation in Previous Analyses |
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256 | (8) |
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5 Reducing Long-Distance Binding to Logophoric Exemption |
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264 | (1) |
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5.1 The Issue of Long-Distance Anaphora |
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265 | (1) |
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5.1.1 Long-Distance Anaphors in the Literature |
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265 | (1) |
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5.1.1.1 Main Empirical Observations |
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265 | (2) |
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5.1.1.2 Two Main Types of Analysis |
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267 | (6) |
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5.1.1.3 Long-Distance Anaphora and Logophoricity |
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273 | (1) |
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5.1.2 Issues with Previous Analyses of Long-Distance Anaphora |
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274 | (1) |
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5.2 Reducing Long-Distance Anaphors to Exempt Anaphors |
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275 | (3) |
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5.3 The Case of Icelandic sig |
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278 | (15) |
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278 | (4) |
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5.3.2 Reducing Long-Distance sig to Logophoric sig |
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282 | (1) |
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5.3.2.1 Logophoric Requirement on Long-Distance sig in Infinitives |
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282 | (3) |
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5.3.2.2 Absence of Structural Requirements on Long-Distance sig in Infinitives |
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285 | (2) |
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5.3.2.3 Difference between sig and harm with Respect to de se Readings |
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287 | (6) |
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5.4 The Case of Mandarin ziji |
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293 | (11) |
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5.4.1 Existing Arguments for the Logophoricity-Based Analysis of Long-Distance ziji |
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293 | (7) |
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5.4.2 Further Arguments Based on Inanimate ziji |
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300 | (4) |
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5.5 The Case of French soi |
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304 | (4) |
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5.6 The Case of Norwegian seg |
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308 | (12) |
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5.6.1 Some Potential Arguments for Logophoric Binding of seg/sin |
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308 | (8) |
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5.6.2 Experimental Study of seg/sin |
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316 | (4) |
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5.7 Conclusion: Eliminating Long-Distance Binding? |
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320 | (3) |
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323 | (19) |
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323 | (5) |
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328 | (3) |
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331 | (11) |
Conclusion |
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342 | (3) |
References |
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345 | (20) |
Author index |
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365 | (6) |
Subject index |
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371 | |