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Also |
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xv | |
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1 Making defence policy in contemporary Britain |
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1 | (11) |
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Understanding the who, how and why: the objectives of this study |
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6 | (1) |
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Defence policy-making and `the science of muddling through' |
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7 | (1) |
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A word about terminology: the scope of `external', `security' and `defence'policy |
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8 | (4) |
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2 The diplomatic and economic context for defence policy-making |
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12 | (21) |
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The international dimension and the Anglo-American `special relationship' |
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12 | (1) |
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Anglo-American relations since 1945: a cost-benefit analysis |
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13 | (4) |
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Assessing Britain's value to US policy and influence |
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17 | (2) |
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`Special relationships': a sectoral perspective |
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19 | (1) |
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The cost of British defence policy and the burden of financial constraints |
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20 | (3) |
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Conflicting interpretations: economic decline or strategic readjustment? |
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23 | (1) |
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Adjusting to harsh realities? Defence reviews and Britain's security since 1945 |
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24 | (2) |
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`New Labour', the Strategic Defence Review and its successors, 1998-2010 |
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26 | (1) |
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The Strategic Defence and Security Reviews, October 2010 and November 2015 |
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26 | (2) |
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Johnson's Integrated Review, March 2021 |
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28 | (5) |
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3 The Ministry of Defence in transition |
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33 | (8) |
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The emergence of a functionally organised defence ministry in Britain |
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33 | (2) |
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Mountbatten and the 1964 reforms |
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35 | (1) |
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Denis Healey, Lord Carrington and the consolidation of the MoD, 1964-14 |
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36 | (2) |
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The Thatcherite agenda and the onward march of `radical reformism' |
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38 | (1) |
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The shifting boundaries of the public--private divide |
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39 | (2) |
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9 The Private Finance Initiative and Public--Private Partnerships |
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41 | (12) |
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Doubts about the value and competence of private sector suppliers |
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44 | (2) |
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The rise of Private Military Companies and the `contractorisation' of war-fighting |
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46 | (2) |
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The Ministry of Defence today: a modern super-department |
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48 | (5) |
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4 The Prime Minister and the `central direction of defence' |
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53 | (24) |
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The emergence of the dominant Prime Minister within the defence policy arena |
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53 | (1) |
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A British presidency? The Prime Minister and defence policy |
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54 | (3) |
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The strategic core and the defence policy-making triumvirate |
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57 | (1) |
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Prime Ministerial resources in the defence policy arena |
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58 | (3) |
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The Prime Minister and cxtertial policy-making after Major |
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61 | (3) |
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Defence under three Conservative Prime Ministers, 2010--21 |
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64 | (3) |
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Prime Ministers, Defence Secretaries and the importance of the `personal' |
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67 | (2) |
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Blair, Brown and relations with New Labour Defence Secretaries |
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69 | (2) |
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The Defence Secretary under Cameron, May and Johnson |
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71 | (6) |
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5 Cabinet government and defence policy |
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77 | (20) |
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Defence policy-making and the `decline' of Cabinet government |
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11 | (8) |
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Cabinet government and the indictment against Thatcher and Blair |
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19 | (63) |
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Cabinet exclusion from policy-making on nuclear weapons |
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82 | (2) |
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The Defence and Overseas Policy Committee and COBRA |
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84 | (1) |
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The Cameron coalition and the National Security Council |
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85 | (3) |
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War Cabinets, military emergencies and crisis management |
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88 | (9) |
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6 The Defence Secretary and their department |
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97 | (21) |
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The position of the Secretary of State for Defence |
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91 | (7) |
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The Defence Secretary and Department's dual functional structure |
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98 | (3) |
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The Defence Board, the Chiefs of Staff Committee and the bureaucratic structure |
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101 | (1) |
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A matter of trust: the breakdown of the minister--civil servant relationship? |
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102 | (4) |
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A typology of ministerial role perceptions and policy-making styles: policy selectors |
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106 | (2) |
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`Policy legitimates', `ministerial minimalists' and `passengers' at the MoD |
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108 | (2) |
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Constraints upon ministerial policy-making: ministerial turnover |
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110 | (1) |
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Ministerial policy-making and the `departmental view' |
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111 | (1) |
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Departmental officials control of the minister's workload |
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112 | (2) |
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The structural imbalance between ministerial leadership and civil service support |
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114 | (1) |
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Minister-official relationships: an overview |
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114 | (4) |
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7 Departmental politics within the Whitehall village |
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118 | (21) |
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The MoD and the perils of `Departmentalitis' |
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118 | (2) |
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MoD relations with the Foreign Office over trade promotion and arms exports |
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120 | (1) |
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MoD relations with the Foreign Office over other external policy areas |
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121 | (4) |
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Department for International Development: the unloved cuckoo in the Whitehall nest |
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125 | (7) |
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Attacking departmentalism in external policy: the `Comprehensive Approach' |
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132 | (7) |
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8 The Treasury and financial control in an age of austerity |
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139 | (20) |
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The Treasury and financial control over the MoD |
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139 | (2) |
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Dirty work - but somebody has got to do it: the politics of public expenditure control |
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141 | (5) |
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Explaining Treasury mistrust of the `recidivist over-spenders' at the MoD |
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146 | (4) |
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`Telling fibs' and `cooking the books' at MoD Main Building |
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150 | (1) |
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Attempting to exercise Treasury control over the MoD |
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151 | (2) |
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The limits of Treasury's control over defence expenditure |
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153 | (6) |
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9 Civil-military relations in Britain |
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159 | (23) |
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Who will guard the guards? Democratic control over military power |
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159 | (1) |
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The doctrine of civil supremacy in theory and practice |
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160 | (3) |
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The gulf between civilian and military mindsets -- and why this matters |
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163 | (2) |
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Crossing the constitutional line: the sound of dragging feet and covert leaks |
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165 | (2) |
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Knowledge is power and the growth in unattributable leaking |
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167 | (2) |
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Civil--military tensions within the MoD |
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169 | (1) |
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The Blair governments and relations with the Service Chiefs |
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170 | (1) |
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Gordon Brown and civil--military relations at their nadir |
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171 | (3) |
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David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson and the military |
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174 | (1) |
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The problem of inter-Service rivalry: a self-destructive military tradition? |
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175 | (7) |
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10 The Armed Forces, the judiciary and the fear of legal encirclement |
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182 | (22) |
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Soldiering in a different world: the Northern Ireland `Troubles' in the 1970s |
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183 | (2) |
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The defence community and the extension of civilian rights to the military |
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185 | (1) |
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Attacking discrimination on grounds of gender, race and sexual orientation |
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186 | (1) |
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Responding to the problems of bullying and harassment |
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187 | (3) |
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The role of the Service Complaints Commissioner |
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190 | (1) |
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The military in the dock: the right to sue the MoD for negligence |
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191 | (1) |
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British troops and IHAT: guilty until proven innocent? |
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192 | (3) |
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Personal culpability, war crimes and international agreement on the Laws of War |
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195 | (2) |
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Jack Straw, MI6 and Britain's complicity in extraordinary rendition and torture |
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197 | (1) |
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International law as a constraint upon military effectiveness |
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198 | (1) |
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The MoD, and to the challenge of `judicialisation' |
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199 | (5) |
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11 The influence of Parliament over defence policy |
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204 | (20) |
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Parliamentary influence over the executive and its policy |
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204 | (1) |
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The floor of the House: parliamentary debates and ministerial questions |
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205 | (1) |
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Structural reform: select committees, scrutiny and accountability at the MoD |
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206 | (3) |
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Criticisms of the departmental select committee reforms |
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209 | (1) |
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Behavioural changes in the voting lobbies: Defence and the rise of backbench dissension |
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210 | (1) |
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Blair and the legacy of Iraq: towards a British War Powers Act? |
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211 | (1) |
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David Cameron, Parliament and the quest for military intervention in Syria |
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212 | (2) |
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The Intelligence and Security Committee |
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214 | (3) |
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Expanding the remit of the Defence Select Committee |
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217 | (7) |
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12 Political parties, pressure groups and public opinion |
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224 | (26) |
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Electoral politics and the defence question |
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224 | (2) |
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The torments of Jeremy Corbyn: Trident, Syrian intervention and the consensus |
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226 | (2) |
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The sub-sectoral electoral impact of defence policy |
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228 | (1) |
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A post-war consensus on external policy? |
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229 | (2) |
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Inter-party competition and conflicting party imagery |
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231 | (2) |
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The SNP's non-nuclear defence policy and its implications for UK security |
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233 | (1) |
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The spectrum of public opinion: a more sceptical and less deferential public |
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234 | (1) |
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The significance of `attentive publics' and `defence intellectuals' in Britain |
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235 | (2) |
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Public opinion as a constraint upon government external policy |
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237 | (1) |
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The political and military response to public attitudes |
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238 | (1) |
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What does the public want from defence policy? |
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239 | (2) |
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Pluralism, pressure groups and the MoD `policy community' |
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241 | (1) |
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The Ministry of Defence and the defence industry: the background |
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242 | (1) |
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The British version of the military-industrial complex |
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243 | (1) |
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The rise of the `revolving door' and the professional lobbyist |
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244 | (6) |
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13 Conclusion: Continuity and change since 1945 |
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250 | (6) |
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Facing new challenges -- and some of the old ones |
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250 | (2) |
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Continuity in the institutional framework of defence policy-making |
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252 | (1) |
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Britain's position in the world -- the more that changes, the more that stays the same |
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253 | (3) |
Appendix 1 Ministers, Permanent Undersecretaries and Chiefs of Defence Staff at the Ministry of Defence since 1946 |
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256 | (3) |
Bibliography |
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259 | (18) |
Index with dramatis personae and abbreviations |
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