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Principles of Radical Cv Phonology: A Theory of Segmental and Syllabic Structure [Kõva köide]

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A new theory of the structure of phonological representations for segments and syllables



A new theory of the structure of phonological representations for segments and syllables

  • Proposes a new theory of the structure of phonological representations for segments and syllables
  • Presents detailed analysis of phonological contrast
  • Introduces the central role of dependency relations in phonological structure
  • Offers comparison to other models including Dependency Phonology and Government Phonology

Harry van der Hulst’s model of Radical CV Phonology has roots in the framework of Dependency Phonology, but proposes a rather different ‘geometry’, which reduces the set of unary elements to just two: |C| and |V|. The model explains the phonological distinctions that function contrastively in the world’s languages rather than presenting it as a ‘random’ list.

Van der Hulst shows how this model accounts for a number of central claims about markedness and minimal specification. He explains how the representational system accounts for phonological rules and shows how this theory can be applied to sign language structure. Through comparison to other models, he also provides insight into current theories of segmental structure, commonly used feature systems, as well as recurrent controversies.

Harry van der Hulst’s model of Radical CV Phonology has roots in the framework of Dependency Phonology, but proposes a rather different ‘geometry’, which reduces the set of unary elements to just two: |C| and |V|. The model explains the phonological distinctions that function contrastively in the world’s languages rather than presenting it as a ‘random’ list.

Van der Hulst shows how this model accounts for a number of central claims about markedness and minimal specification. He explains how the representational system accounts for phonological rules and shows how this theory can be applied to sign language structure. Through comparison to other models, he also provides insight into current theories of segmental structure, commonly used feature systems, as well as recurrent controversies.

Preface xi
List of abbreviations
xiv
Introduction: contents of this book 1(6)
1 Basic assumptions about phonology
2(1)
2 Background: Dependency and Government Phonology
3(1)
3 Radical CV Phonology
3(1)
4 Manner
3(1)
5 Place
3(1)
6 Laryngeal: phonation and tone
4(1)
7 Special structures
4(1)
8 Predictability and preference
4(1)
9 Minimal specification
5(1)
10 Radical CV Phonology applied to sign phonology
5(1)
11 Comparison to other models
5(1)
12 Conclusions
6(1)
Chapter 1 Basic assumptions about phonology
7(1)
1.1 Introduction
7(1)
1.2 What is phonology?
7(10)
1.3 Six theses concerning phonological primes
17(1)
1.3.1 Are features based on perception or articulation?
18(1)
1.3.2 Are features innate?
18(1)
1.3.3 Are features, or is phonology in general, substance-free?
19(1)
1.3.4 Are phonological representations fully specified?
20(1)
1.3.5 Is there such a thing as a segment inventory?
21(1)
1.3.6 Are there still phonemes?
22(4)
1.4 Is phonology different?
26(2)
1.5 Alternations and processes
28(6)
1.6 Summary and concluding remarks
34(1)
Chapter 2 Background: Dependency and Government Phonology
35(1)
2.1 Introduction
35(1)
2.2 Monovalency, grouping, dependency and contrastivity
35(1)
2.2.1 Monovalency
36(4)
2.2.2 The triangular set
40(5)
2.2.3 Grouping and elements in Dependency Phonology
45(11)
2.2.4 Developments in Dependency Phonology
56(2)
2.2.5 Minimal specification and polysysternaticity
58(2)
2.3 Government Phonology
60(9)
2.4 Towards Radical CV Phonology
69(2)
2.5 Summary and concluding remarks
71(2)
Chapter 3 Radical CV Phonology
73(34)
3.1 Introduction
73(1)
3.2 An outline of Radical CV Phonology
73(32)
3.2.1 The segmental model
73(16)
3.2.2 Syllable structure
89(7)
3.2.3 Empirical issues
96(2)
3.2.4 The segment-syllable connection
98(2)
3.2.5 Recursivity in syllables or foot structure in Radical CV Phonology
100(5)
3.3 Summary and concluding remarks
105(2)
Chapter 4 Manner
107(72)
4.1 Introduction
107(2)
4.2 Onset
109(41)
4.2.1 Edge (onset head): obstruents
110(1)
4.2.1.1 Edge (onset head): head class
110(10)
4.2.1.2 Edge (onset head): dependent class
120(11)
4.2.2 Bridge (onset dependent): sonorants
131(7)
4.2.3 Sonorant consonants as onset heads (including taps/flaps)
138(9)
4.2.4 Laryngeal consonants
147(3)
4.3 Rhyme
150(23)
4.3.1 Nucleus (rhyme head): vowels
150(1)
4.3.1.1 Nucleus (rhyme head): head class
150(4)
4.3.1.2 Nucleus (rhyme head): dependent class
154(10)
4.3.2 Coda (rhyme dependent): sonorants
164(1)
4.3.3 Coda conditions
165(8)
4.4 Syllabic consonants (sonorants)
173(1)
4.5 Long vowels, diphthongs and geminates
174(2)
4.6 Summary and concluding remarks
176(3)
Chapter 5 Place
179(28)
5.1 Introduction
179(1)
5.2 Edge (onset head): obstruents
179(19)
5.2.1 Edge (onset head): head class
180(7)
5.2.2 Edge (onset head): dependent class
187(5)
5.2.3 Post-velar consonants: pharyngeals and laryngeals
192(5)
5.2.4 Place distinctions for sonorant consonants in the edge
197(1)
5.3 Nucleus (rhyme head): vowels
198(6)
5.3.1 Nucleus (rhyme head): head class
199(2)
5.3.2 Nucleus (rhyme head): dependent class
201(1)
5.3.3 Syllabic consonants (sonorants)
202(2)
5.4 Bridge and coda
204(1)
5.5 Summary and concluding remarks
204(3)
Chapter 6 Laryngeal: phonation and tone
207(35)
6.1 Introduction
207(1)
6.2 Edge (onset head): consonants (phonation)
207(10)
6.3 Nucleus (rhyme head): vowels (tone)
217(7)
6.4 Four issues
224(16)
6.4.1 Phonation oppositions in obstruents and sonorants
225(5)
6.4.2 Laryngeal realism
230(5)
6.4.3 Phonation in the nucleus
235(3)
6.4.4 The correlation between tone and phonation
238(2)
6.5 Bridge and coda
240(1)
6.6 Summary and concluding remarks
240(2)
Chapter 7 Special structures
242(41)
7.1 Introduction
242(1)
7.2 Incomplete structures
243(20)
7.2.1 No content at all
243(1)
7.2.1.1 Vowel/zero alternations
244(5)
7.2.1.2 Consonant clusters
249(8)
7.2.1.3 Initial geminates
257(1)
7.2.1.4 Schwa
258(1)
7.2.1.5 Consonant/zero alternations
258(1)
7.2.1.6 Ghost consonants
259(1)
7.2.1.7 Morphological templates
260(1)
7.2.2 Partial content
261(1)
7.2.2.1 No'no manner'
261(1)
7.2.2.2 Manner only
261(2)
7.3 Overcomplete structures
263(19)
7.3.1 Complex consonants
263(1)
7.3.1.1 Affricates
264(1)
7.3.1.2 Consonants with secondary manner
265(1)
7.3.1.3 Consonants with secondary place
265(1)
7.3.2 Consonants with two major places (clicks and multiply-articulated consonants)
266(13)
7.3.3 Complex vowels
279(1)
7.3.3.1 Short diphthongs
279(1)
7.3.3.2 Vowels with contour tones
279(1)
7.3.3.3 Vowels with special phonation
280(1)
7.3.3.4 Vowels with special manner
280(1)
7.3.4 Branching syllabic constituents or `two-root structures'
281(1)
7.4 Summary and concluding remarks
282(1)
Chapter 8 Predictability and preference
283(41)
8.1 Introduction
283(1)
8.2 Harmony
284(16)
8.2.1 Paradigmatic and cross-class harmony
284(16)
8.2.2 Disharmony
300(1)
8.3 Preference rankings of segments per syllabic position
300(18)
8.3.1 Two determining principles: harmony and dispersion
301(2)
8.3.1.1 Manner preferences
303(1)
8.3.1.1.1 Manner preferences: edge
303(2)
8.3.1.1.2 Manner preferences: nucleus
305(1)
8.3.1.1.3 Manner preferences: bridge and coda
306(7)
8.3.1.2 Place preferences
313(1)
8.3.1.2.1 Place preferences: edge
313(1)
8.3.1.2.2 Place preferences: nucleus
314(1)
8.3.1.3 Laryngeal preferences
315(1)
8.3.1.3.1 Laryngeal preferences: edge (phonation)
315(1)
8.3.1.3.2 Laryngeal preferences: nucleus (tone)
315(1)
8.3.1.4 Concluding remarks
316(2)
8.4 Preferred segmental systems
318(5)
8.4.1 The overall structure of segmental systems
318(4)
8.4.2 Polysystematicity
322(1)
8.4.3 Conclusions
323(1)
8.5 Summary and concluding remarks
323(1)
Chapter 9 Minimal specification
324(29)
9.1 Introduction
324(1)
9.2 A typology of redundant properties
325(3)
9.3 Radical underspecification
328(3)
9.4 Contrastive and radical underspecification in a unary framework
331(8)
9.5 Markedness, complexity and salience
339(1)
9.6 Examples of minimal specification
340(6)
9.7 Can redundant elements become active?
346(1)
9.8 Constraints and learnability
346(6)
9.9 Summary and concluding remarks
352(1)
Chapter 10 Radical CV Phonology applied to sign phonology
353(25)
10.1 Introduction
353(4)
10.2 The macrostructure of signs
357(6)
10.3 The microstructure of signs
363(9)
10.3.1 The articulator
363(1)
10.3.1.1 FingerSelection
364(2)
10.3.1.2 FingerConfiguration
366(1)
10.3.2 Orientation
366(2)
10.3.3 Place
368(2)
10.3.4 Manner (`movement')
370(2)
10.4 Two-handed signs
372(2)
10.5 What about syllable structure?
374(3)
10.6 Summary and concluding remarks
377(1)
Chapter 11 Comparison to other models
378(33)
11.1 Introduction
378(1)
11.2 Feature Geometry models
378(11)
11.3 Other models
389(20)
11.3.1 Dependency models
389(2)
11.3.2 The nested subregister model
391(1)
11.3.3 The Toronto model
392(1)
11.3.4 The parallel structure model
393(5)
11.3.5 The channel-neutral model
398(5)
11.3.6 The Duanmu model
403(1)
11.3.7 Government Phonology 2.0
404(3)
11.3.8 Q-theory
407(2)
11.4 Summary and concluding remarks
409(2)
Chapter 12 Conclusions
411(14)
12.1 Introduction
411(1)
12.2 Goals and basic principles
411(3)
12.3 X-bar structure everywhere
414(1)
12.4 Strengths and weaknesses
415(4)
12.5 Some unresolved issues
419(5)
12.6 What's next?
424(1)
Appendix 425(6)
References 431(48)
Subject index 479(15)
Language index 494