Muutke küpsiste eelistusi

Russian Case Morphology and the Syntactic Categories, Volume 66 [Kõva köide]

(Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
  • Formaat: Hardback, 192 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 229x152x19 mm, kaal: 381 g
  • Sari: Linguistic Inquiry Monographs
  • Ilmumisaeg: 27-Dec-2013
  • Kirjastus: MIT Press
  • ISBN-10: 0262019728
  • ISBN-13: 9780262019729
Teised raamatud teemal:
  • Formaat: Hardback, 192 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 229x152x19 mm, kaal: 381 g
  • Sari: Linguistic Inquiry Monographs
  • Ilmumisaeg: 27-Dec-2013
  • Kirjastus: MIT Press
  • ISBN-10: 0262019728
  • ISBN-13: 9780262019729
Teised raamatud teemal:

In this book, David Pesetsky argues that the peculiarities of Russian nominal phrases provide significant clues concerning the syntactic side of morphological case. Pesetsky argues against the traditional view that case categories such as nominative or genitive have a special status in the grammar of human languages. Supporting his argument with a detailed analysis of a complex array of morpho-syntactic phenomena in the Russian noun phrase (with brief excursions to other languages), he proposes instead that the case categories are just part-of-speech features copied as morphology from head to dependent as syntactic structure is built.

Pesetsky presents a careful investigation of one of the thorniest topics in Russian grammar, the morpho-syntax of noun phrases with numerals (including those traditionally called the paucals). He argues that these bewilderingly complex facts can be explained if case categories are viewed simply as parts of speech, assigned as morphology. Pesetsky's analysis is notable for offering a new theoretical perspective on some of the most puzzling areas of Russian grammar, a highly original account of nominal case that significantly affects our understanding of an important property of language.

Series Foreword ix
Acknowledgments xi
1 Introduction to the Puzzles
1(4)
2 Do We Need the Traditional Case Categories?
5(6)
3 Russian as a Case-Stacking Language
11(10)
3.1 The One-Suffix Rule in Russian
11(2)
3.2 Case Stacking in Lardil
13(5)
3.3 Interim Conclusions
18(3)
4 Argument 1 for the Core Proposal: Ngen, Dnom, and Pobl
21(14)
4.1 Number Mismatch with Paucals
21(4)
4.2 Word Order and the Case Mismatch with Paucals
25(6)
4.3 Paucal Constructions in Oblique Environments and the Role of Agree
31(4)
5 An Independent Argument from Gender Agreement for the Initial Low Position of Paucals
35(16)
5.1 Gender, Noun Class, and Gender Mismatch
35(4)
5.2 The Feminizing Head K
39(6)
5.3 Gender Mismatch Is a Structural Phenomenon: Number in Lebanese Arabic
45(5)
5.4 Conclusions
50(1)
6 Numerals and Other Quantifiers
51(12)
6.1 The Category quant
51(7)
6.2 Quantifiers That Always Show a Homogeneous Case Pattern
58(5)
7 Vacc and the Morphosyntax of Direct Objects
63(18)
7.1 Feature Assignment and Complements of V
63(8)
7.2 Vergnaud-Licensing, "Default Nominative," and the Case of Subjects
71(4)
7.3 Prepositions That Appear to Assign Vacc
75(6)
8 Argument 2 for the Core Proposal: "You Are What You Assign"
81(14)
8.1 Feature Assignment and Adnominals
81(2)
8.2 An Apparent Locality Restriction on Feature Assignment
83(4)
8.3 Explanation for the Locality Restriction
87(2)
8.4 Stress Shifts in Numberless Nouns
89(3)
8.5 Loose End: Prepositions "That Appear to Assign Ngen
92(3)
9 Feature Assignment and the Notion "Prototype"
95(22)
9.1 Number in Adnominal Paucal Constructions
95(3)
9.2 Overt Prototypes in Languages without Case Morphology
98(4)
9.3 An Unresolved Puzzle of Lardil Case Stacking
102(8)
9.4 Overt Case Stacking in Russian?
110(5)
9.5 Summary
115(2)
10 Conclusions
117(2)
Appendix 1 Nominative Plural Adjectives in Paucal Constructions 119(6)
Appendix 2 A Defectivity Puzzle: The Numeral-Classifier Construction 125(4)
Appendix 3 A South Slavic Argument by Horvath (2011) That "You Are What You Assign" Holds of Prepositions 129(4)
Notes 133(22)
References 155(10)
Author Index 165(4)
Subject Index 169