Acknowledgments |
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xiii | |
1 Introduction |
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1 | (14) |
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3 | (10) |
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1.1.1 Syntactic Assumptions |
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3 | (1) |
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1.1.2 The Intensional System |
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3 | (1) |
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4 | (3) |
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1.1.4 Talking About Times |
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7 | (1) |
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8 | (3) |
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9 | (1) |
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1.1.5.2 The Ordering Source |
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10 | (1) |
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1.1.6 Branching Futures: Times and Worlds |
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11 | (2) |
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13 | (2) |
2 Futurates |
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15 | (44) |
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17 | (26) |
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2.1.1 An Initial Hypothesis |
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18 | (3) |
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2.1.2 Problem #1: The Status of the Plan |
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21 | (1) |
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2.1.3 Problem #2: Speaker Confidence |
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22 | (1) |
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2.1.4 Getting Smarter about Plans |
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23 | (2) |
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2.1.5 Intuitions about Plans |
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25 | (3) |
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2.1.5.1 On Being Committed |
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25 | (2) |
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27 | (1) |
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28 | (1) |
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28 | (7) |
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2.1.6.1 Formal Beginnings |
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29 | (4) |
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2.1.6.2 Scopal Relations in the Definition of Direction |
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33 | (1) |
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2.1.6.3 Ability and Accidental Directors |
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33 | (2) |
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35 | (4) |
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2.1.8 Futurates Without Directors |
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39 | (3) |
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42 | (1) |
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2.2 Mapping Futurate Meaning onto Morphosyntax |
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43 | (14) |
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2.2.1 The Location of ALL-b |
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43 | (1) |
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2.2.2 ALL-b in Progressive Futurates |
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44 | (6) |
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2.2.2.1 Dowty's Modal Progressive |
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45 | (3) |
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2.2.2.2 Ongoing Readings of Progressives |
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48 | (1) |
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49 | (1) |
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2.2.3 ALL-b in Simple Futurates |
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50 | (4) |
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2.2.3.1 Ordering in Generics |
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51 | (1) |
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2.2.3.2 The Principle of the Excluded Middle Revisited |
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52 | (1) |
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2.2.3.3 Generics and the Simple Futurate Presupposition |
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53 | (1) |
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54 | (1) |
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2.2.4 On Directors in the Syntax |
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54 | (3) |
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57 | (2) |
3 Futures |
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59 | (38) |
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3.1 Ordering and Aspect in Futures |
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63 | (14) |
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3.1.1 Ordering in Futures |
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63 | (6) |
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3.1.1.1 Inertial and Bouletic Construals of Futures |
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64 | (2) |
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3.1.1.2 Different Directions |
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66 | (2) |
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3.1.1.3 Inertial Differences |
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68 | (1) |
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3.1.1.4 Bouletic Differences |
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69 | (1) |
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69 | (1) |
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69 | (8) |
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3.1.2.1 Present Temporal Input |
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70 | (4) |
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74 | (2) |
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3.1.2.3 Distinguishing Bare and Generic Will |
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76 | (1) |
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76 | (1) |
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3.2 Aspect Constrains the Accessibility Relation |
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77 | (9) |
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3.2.1 The Pragmatics of Offering |
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77 | (2) |
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3.2.2 Back to the Billboard |
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79 | (2) |
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81 | (2) |
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3.2.4 Explaining the Puzzle |
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83 | (3) |
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3.3 Aspectual-Modal Interactions in Past Futures |
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86 | (4) |
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87 | (2) |
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3.3.2 No Past Bouletic Generics |
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89 | (1) |
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90 | (4) |
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3.4.1 Genericity in Dispositional Will |
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91 | (1) |
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3.4.2 Dissimilarities with Generic Will |
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91 | (1) |
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3.4.3 Towards a Hypothesis |
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92 | (1) |
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3.4.4 Facts from Indonesian |
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93 | (1) |
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94 | (3) |
4 Conditionals |
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97 | (40) |
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102 | (9) |
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4.1.1 Relevance Conditionals |
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103 | (2) |
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4.1.2 Indication and Causal Contexts |
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105 | (2) |
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4.1.3 Wide Scope Be Going To |
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107 | (4) |
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4.2 Main Verbs and the Complement SIP Effect |
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111 | (7) |
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4.2.1 Wide Be Going To Has the Complement SIP Effect |
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112 | (3) |
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4.2.2 Bare Will Has the Complement SIP Effect |
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115 | (3) |
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4.2.2.1 On the Scope of Bare Will |
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116 | (1) |
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4.2.2.2 On the Missing Readings of Bare Will |
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117 | (1) |
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118 | (1) |
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4.3 Implementing the Mechanism |
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118 | (16) |
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119 | (3) |
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4.3.2 Temporal Interpretation of Antecedent and Consequent |
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122 | (10) |
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4.3.2.1 Lemma 1: Type 1 Conditionals |
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122 | (3) |
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4.3.2.2 Lemma 2: Type 2 Conditionals |
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125 | (4) |
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4.3.2.3 Which Conditional is Which? |
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129 | (1) |
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4.3.2.4 Why the SIP Value of p Doesn't Matter |
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130 | (2) |
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132 | (2) |
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134 | (1) |
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134 | (2) |
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136 | (1) |
5 Conclusion |
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137 | (8) |
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137 | (1) |
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138 | (7) |
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5.2.1 Non-Futurate Future-Oriented Presents |
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139 | (2) |
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141 | (4) |
References |
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145 | (8) |
Index |
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153 | |