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Structuring Sense: Volume III: Taking Form [Kõva köide]

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(Professor of Linguistics, Queen Mary, University of London)
  • Formaat: Hardback, 698 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 235x161x42 mm, kaal: 1164 g
  • Ilmumisaeg: 03-Oct-2013
  • Kirjastus: Oxford University Press
  • ISBN-10: 0199263930
  • ISBN-13: 9780199263936
Teised raamatud teemal:
Structuring Sense: Volume III: Taking FormSuurem pilt
  • Formaat: Hardback, 698 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 235x161x42 mm, kaal: 1164 g
  • Ilmumisaeg: 03-Oct-2013
  • Kirjastus: Oxford University Press
  • ISBN-10: 0199263930
  • ISBN-13: 9780199263936
Teised raamatud teemal:
Püsilink: https://www.kriso.ee/db/9780199263936.html
Märksõnad:
Structuring Sense explores the difference between words however defined and structures however constructed. It sets out to demonstrate over three volumes that the explanation of linguistic competence should be shifted from lexical entry to syntactic structure, from memory of words to manipulation of rules. Its reformulation of how grammar and lexicon interact has profound implications for linguistic, philosophical, and psychological theories about human mind and language. Hagit Borer departs from language specific constructional approaches and from lexicalist approaches to argue that universal hierarchical structures determine interpretation, and that language variation emerges from the morphological and phonological properties of inflectional material.

Taking Form, the third and final volume of Structuring Sense, applies this radical approach to the construction of complex words. Integrating research in syntax and morphology, the author develops a new model of word formation, arguing that on the one hand the basic building blocks of language are rigid semantic and syntactic functions, while on the other hand they are roots, which in themselves are but packets of phonological information, and are devoid of both meaning and grammatical properties of any kind. Within such a model, syntactic category, syntactic selection and argument structure are all mediated through syntactic structures projected from rigid functions, or alternatively, constructed through general combinatorial principles of syntax, such as Chomsky's Merge. The meaning of 'words', in turn, does not involve the existence of lexemes, but rather the matching of a well-defined and phonologically articulated syntactic domain with conceptual Content, itself outside the domain of language as such. In a departure from most current models of syntax but in line with many philosophical traditions, then, the Exo-Skeletal model partitions 'meaning' into formal functions, on the one hand, and Content, on the other hand. While the former are read off syntactico-semantic structures as is usually assumed, Content is crucially read off syntactico-phonological structures.

Arvustused

Combining provocative theoretical insights and detailed empirical investigation, this third volume is a highly significant contribution to Hagit Borer's grand project, developing an original and challenging conception of the nature of language that focuses on morphology but reaches far into fundamental considerations of syntax and semantics. A most impressive contribution, sure to be deservedly influential. * Noam Chomsky * Wide-ranging and intricately argued, this final volume in Borers monumental trilogy tackles the syntax of derived nominal in unprecedented depth and detail. This volume will be required reading for both syntacticians and morphologists for years to come * Rochelle Lieber *

Acknowledgements vii
Contents to Volume I xvii
Contents to Volume II xix
Abbreviations, Terms, and Orthographic Conventions xxii
A Note on Hebrew Transcription xxiv
1 Introduction---Words? What Words?
1(50)
1.1 Introduction
1(5)
1.2 The Remarks Challenge
6(7)
1.3 Moving Away from the "Word"
13(10)
1.3.1 A snapshot and road signs
13(4)
1.3.2 Phonological considerations and realizational models
17(3)
1.3.3 In defense of derivational constituents, preliminary
20(3)
1.4 Roots, Preliminary
23(6)
1.5 Functors, Preliminary
29(15)
1.5.1 Two kinds of functors
29(2)
1.5.2 Category labels---a clarification
31(2)
1.5.3 S-functors as range assignors
33(5)
1.5.4 S-functors and phonological indices
38(5)
1.5.5 Functors---a brief summary
43(1)
1.6 Organization
44(7)
Part I The Form, the Forming, and the Formation of Nominals
2 Introduction
51(30)
2.1 Neo-constructionist Approaches to Grimshaw's Typology
51(12)
2.2 Structural Considerations
63(8)
2.2.1 AS-nominals vs. other nominals
64(5)
2.2.2 AS-nominals vs. verbal event complexes
69(2)
2.3 Event Structure: the Building Blocks
71(6)
2.4 AS-nominals, Preliminary Structures
77(1)
2.5 The Organization of Part I
78(3)
3 Embedding Syntactic Events within Nominals
81(55)
3.1 Hebrew AS-nominals: Structures
81(8)
3.2 On Word Order Differences between AS-nominals and R-nominals
89(7)
3.3 The Object Marker 'et
96(13)
3.3.1 Siloni's analysis of 'et in derived nominals
97(8)
3.3.2 ECM constructions
105(4)
3.4 The Preposition ?al yedey
109(2)
3.5 Adverbs
111(7)
3.5.1 Distribution, categorial classification
111(3)
3.5.2 Aspectual and evidential adverbs
114(4)
3.6 Hebrew AS-nominals: Tentative Summary
118(1)
3.7 Evidence for a VP in English de-verbal AS-nominals
119(11)
3.7.1 Preliminaries
119(1)
3.7.2 The VP anaphor do so in English AS-nominals
120(3)
3.7.3 Adverbs in English AS-nominals
123(2)
3.7.4 Adjectives vs. adverbs in AS-nominals
125(3)
3.7.5 Adverb placement---some structural considerations and questions to pursue
128(2)
3.8 Evidence for AP in English De-adjectival AS-nominals
130(4)
3.9 Of the Onward Journey
134(2)
4 AS-nominals and AS-nominalizers
136(45)
4.1 The Licensing of Arguments
136(17)
4.1.1 Event structure---the schemes
136(7)
4.1.2 How many arguments? R-nominals vs. AS-nominals
143(6)
4.1.3 Blocking ditransitives in AS-nominals
149(4)
4.2 Outstanding Issues and the Organization of this
Chapter
153(3)
4.3 English Nominalizing Suffixes---Preliminaries
156(6)
4.3.1 On the non-existence of "Ø-derived" nominals, preliminary
157(1)
4.3.2 INGN[ V] nominalizers: Are they always AS-nominals?
158(4)
4.4 AS-ING Nominals are Homogeneous; AS-ATK Nominals need not be
162(5)
4.5 AS-ING Nominals Entail an Originator; AS-ATK Nominals need not
167(2)
4.6 Accounting for Particle Shift Effects in AS-nominals
169(4)
4.7 The Other INGs
173(5)
4.7.1 Gerund ING
173(2)
4.7.2 Progressive ING
175(3)
4.8 The Structure of Long AS-nominals---Summary
178(3)
5 Event Structure in Short Nominals---the Passive Paradigm
181(62)
5.1 Against PRO
181(5)
5.2 Evidence for the Passive in Hebrew AS-nominals
186(3)
5.3 De-adjectival Nominals
189(9)
5.3.1 An asymmetry and its resolution
189(4)
5.3.2 Short AS-nominals, S-nominals, and scope
193(3)
5.3.3 The return of the PRO/pro
196(2)
5.4 Passive in Broad Strokes
198(5)
5.5 A Passive Analysis for AS-nominals
203(20)
5.5.1 Quantity structures
203(3)
5.5.2 Non-quantity structures, transitive
206(2)
5.5.3 Non-quantity structures, PP-complements
208(4)
5.5.4 Hebrew, supplemental: scope, potential objections, and conative variants
212(11)
5.6 Raising Passive
223(7)
5.6.1 Raising passive and quantity
223(4)
5.6.2 Raising to Spec, D and non-quantity
227(3)
5.7 Dedicated Passive Nominals, Hebrew
230(8)
5.8 Concluding Comments
238(5)
Part II True to Form
6 The Skeleton
243(68)
6.1 Preliminaries: Bare Phrase Structure
243(14)
6.1.1 Projections and categories
243(7)
6.1.2 Architecture
250(7)
6.2 C-Functors
257(30)
6.2.1 S-functors and C-functors---an overview
257(3)
6.2.2 C-functors in a root-based system: categorial selection?
260(8)
6.2.3 C-functors---distribution
268(4)
6.2.4 C-functors and AS-nominals
272(3)
6.2.5 C-functors: locality
275(12)
6.3 Extended Projections, Functors, and Roots
287(7)
6.4 Outstanding: Linearization, Adjunction, Prefixes
294(11)
6.5 Conclusion
305(1)
Appendix: English C-Functors---a Methodological Note
306(5)
7 Categorizing Roots
311(68)
7.1 Categorizing Roots
311(6)
7.2 Categorization---Evidence and Competing Accounts
317(5)
7.2.1 Chomsky (1970)
317(1)
7.2.2 Distributed Morphology
318(4)
7.3 Against English Zero Categorizers, Part I
322(28)
7.3.1 Some general considerations
322(1)
7.3.2 Zero categorizers: the problem of distributional restrictions
323(8)
7.3.3 Zero categorizers: the problem of de-verbal nominals
331(5)
7.3.4 Growth revisited
336(7)
7.3.5 Zero categorizers: the selection problem
343(4)
7.3.6 Interim summary
347(3)
7.4 Against English Zero Categorizers, Part II: Kiparsky (1982a, 1997)
350(13)
7.4.1 Two de-nominal verbs in English?
351(1)
7.4.2 Productivity?
352(1)
7.4.3 Stress shift?
353(2)
7.4.4 An argument from ordering
355(5)
7.4.5 Triplets and the proliferation of Ø nominalizers
360(1)
7.4.6 Irregular inflection and the direction of derivation
361(2)
7.5 Multi-Categorial Instantiations for C-Functors: the Case of ING
363(8)
7.6 The Puzzle of the Adjective
371(8)
8 Taking Root
379(39)
8.1 On the Phonological Reality of Roots
379(10)
8.1.1 Allomorphs in compound roots
382(2)
8.1.2 Semitic roots
384(3)
8.1.3 Merging the phonological indices of functors
387(1)
8.1.4 Phonological root selection
388(1)
8.2 Faithfulness and Roots
389(14)
8.2.1 Morphology is morpho-phonology!
389(8)
8.2.2 A note on suppletion
397(6)
8.3 But do Roots Have (Syntactically Active) Content, Nonetheless?
403(9)
8.3.1 A note on over-generation
408(4)
8.4 Coercion---One More Argument for No-Content Roots
412(6)
9 Structuring Content
418(62)
9.1 Two Puzzles: R-nominals vs. AS-nominals
418(18)
9.1.1 Preliminaries
418(2)
9.1.2 R-nominals and AS-nominals---a brief recap
420(3)
9.1.3 R-nominals vs. AS-nominals---Content compositionality
423(7)
9.1.4 AS-nominals vs. R-nominals: morpho-phonological considerations
430(2)
9.1.5 The verb within AS-nominals, again
432(4)
9.2 Domains of Content, Domains of Spellout
436(17)
9.2.1 Preliminaries
436(2)
9.2.2 Phase (and hence Content) at categorization
438(10)
9.2.3 Phase (including Content) by Level Ordering
448(5)
9.3 ExP-Segments and S-Functors---the Content Domain
453(17)
9.3.1 Introduction
453(2)
9.3.2 Delimiting en-searching---assigning Content to the C-core
455(4)
9.3.3 Content assignment---compounds
459(2)
9.3.4 Resolving the puzzles: R-nominals vs. AS-nominals
461(5)
9.3.5 A brief summary
466(2)
9.3.6 A phase-based execution---preliminary motivation and emerging queries
468(2)
9.4 Content and Spellout
470(10)
9.4.1 The issues
470(5)
9.4.2 The spelling out of Content vs. the Contenting of spellout
475(3)
9.4.3 Some ramifications
478(2)
Appendix: Why Phrasal Idioms are Different
480(159)
A1 Introductory comments
480(3)
A2 Semantic and Content arguments for (partial) idiom compositionality
483(2)
A3 Syntactic arguments for the (partial) compositionality of phrasal idioms
485(1)
A4 Phrasal idioms and derived nominals
486(3)
10 Taking Form by Phase
489(34)
10.1 Spellout by Phase and Root Locality
489(13)
10.1.1 Phases and spellout---the issues
489(5)
10.1.2 Phases and locality conditions on roots
494(2)
10.1.3 Phases and inflectional allomorphy
496(4)
10.1.4 The pieces---how tight the fit?
500(2)
10.2 Content and Spellout---an Interaction
502(6)
10.3 The Domain of Content---Final Refinements
508(4)
10.4 Mismatches Revisited
512(1)
10.5 A Note on Category Labels
513(4)
10.6 Bringing it all Together
517(6)
11 Semitic Verbal Derivatives: Prolegomena
523(52)
11.1 Binyanim---the Builders
523(14)
11.1.1 Preliminaries
523(3)
11.1.2 Climbing up the extended projection ladder
526(4)
11.1.3 Binyanim and the merger of C-functors
530(7)
11.2 Qal: neither a Binyan nor a Builder
537(10)
11.2.1 Root vs. binyan
537(2)
11.2.2 How light is Qal?
539(8)
11.3 Categorization and Mono-morphemic Verbs
547(6)
11.3.1 Heads up
547(2)
11.3.2 Alternative perspectives?
549(4)
11.4 Semitic Verbs: the Domain of Content
553(9)
11.5 Categorial Complement Space and the Semitic Verbal System: Road Signs
562(13)
11.5.1 Summary
562(2)
11.5.2 Verbal Complement Space
564(6)
11.5.3 Other types of Complement Space
570(5)
12 Synthetic Compounds
575(55)
12.1 Introduction
575(2)
12.2 Syn-Compounds
577(6)
12.2.1 Preliminaries and the First Sister Principle
577(3)
12.2.2 On the absence of event structure in Syn-Compounds
580(1)
12.2.3 On the absence of event structure: syntactic problems
581(2)
12.3 Some Non-solutions, Some Additional Problems
583(12)
12.3.1 Root incorporation---a syntactic non-solution
583(4)
12.3.2 The obligatory transitivity of Syn-Compounds
587(4)
12.3.3 Whither the Unaccusative Hypothesis?
591(1)
12.3.4 Incorporation into a nominal---another non-solution
592(1)
12.3.5 A lexicalist treatment---third non-solution
593(2)
12.4 Compositionality
595(3)
12.5 Syn-Compounds---What Remains
598(17)
12.5.1 Explaining what remains
598(8)
12.5.2 ER---some open questions
606(9)
12.6 R-ING/Synthetic Compounds---Homogeneity and Originators
615(7)
12.6.1 Simple event nominals
615(2)
12.6.2 R-ING is homogeneous
617(2)
12.6.3 R-ING entails an Originator
619(3)
12.7 Syn-Compounds: Structures, En-searches, and Other Relevant Matters
622(6)
12.8 Conclusion
628(2)
13 Conclusion
630(9)
References 639(18)
Terminal Index 657(2)
Name Index 659(3)
Subject Index 662
Hagit Borer is a Professor of Linguistics at Queen Mary, University of London. Prior to that, she held positions at the University of Southern California and at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Her main research focuses on the interaction between syntactic structure and word structure, an area that she has pursued from a syntactic perspective, from a morphological perspective, from a semantic perspective, and from the perspective of child language acquisition.