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Structuring Sense: Volume III: Taking Form [Pehme köide]

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(Professor of Linguistics, Queen Mary, University of London)
  • Formaat: Paperback / softback, 698 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 233x154x37 mm, kaal: 1026 g
  • Ilmumisaeg: 03-Oct-2013
  • Kirjastus: Oxford University Press
  • ISBN-10: 0199263949
  • ISBN-13: 9780199263943
Teised raamatud teemal:
Structuring Sense: Volume III: Taking FormSuurem pilt
  • Formaat: Paperback / softback, 698 pages, kõrgus x laius x paksus: 233x154x37 mm, kaal: 1026 g
  • Ilmumisaeg: 03-Oct-2013
  • Kirjastus: Oxford University Press
  • ISBN-10: 0199263949
  • ISBN-13: 9780199263943
Teised raamatud teemal:
Püsilink: https://www.kriso.ee/db/9780199263943.html
Märksõnad:
Structuring Sense explores the difference between words however defined and structures however constructed. It sets out to demonstrate over three volumes that the explanation of linguistic competence should be shifted from lexical entry to syntactic structure, from memory of words to manipulation of rules. Its reformulation of how grammar and lexicon interact has profound implications for linguistic, philosophical, and psychological theories about human mind and language. Hagit Borer departs from language specific constructional approaches and from lexicalist approaches to argue that universal hierarchical structures determine interpretation, and that language variation emerges from the morphological and phonological properties of inflectional material.

Taking Form, the third and final volume of Structuring Sense, applies this radical approach to the construction of complex words. Integrating research in syntax and morphology, the author develops a new model of word formation, arguing that on the one hand the basic building blocks of language are rigid semantic and syntactic functions, while on the other hand they are roots, which in themselves are but packets of phonological information, and are devoid of both meaning and grammatical properties of any kind. Within such a model, syntactic category, syntactic selection and argument structure are all mediated through syntactic structures projected from rigid functions, or alternatively, constructed through general combinatorial principles of syntax, such as Chomsky's Merge. The meaning of 'words', in turn, does not involve the existence of lexemes, but rather the matching of a well-defined and phonologically articulated syntactic domain with conceptual Content, itself outside the domain of language as such. In a departure from most current models of syntax but in line with many philosophical traditions, then, the Exo-Skeletal model partitions 'meaning' into formal functions, on the one hand, and Content, on the other hand. While the former are read off syntactico-semantic structures as is usually assumed, Content is crucially read off syntactico-phonological structures.

Arvustused

Combining provocative theoretical insights and detailed empirical investigation, this third volume is a highly significant contribution to Hagit Borer's grand project, developing an original and challenging conception of the nature of language that focuses on morphology but reaches far into fundamental considerations of syntax and semantics. A most impressive contribution, sure to be deservedly influential. * Noam Chomsky * Wide-ranging and intricately argued, this final volume in Borers monumental trilogy tackles the syntax of derived nominal in unprecedented depth and detail. This volume will be required reading for both syntacticians and morphologists for years to come * Rochelle Lieber *

Acknowledgements vii
Contents to Volume I xvii
Contents to Volume II xix
Abbreviations, Terms, and Orthographic Conventions xxii
A Note on Hebrew Transcription xxiv
1 Introduction---Words? What Words?
1(50)
1.1 Introduction
1(5)
1.2 The Remarks Challenge
6(7)
1.3 Moving Away from the "Word"
13(10)
1.3.1 A snapshot and road signs
13(4)
1.3.2 Phonological considerations and realizational models
17(3)
1.3.3 In defense of derivational constituents, preliminary
20(3)
1.4 Roots, Preliminary
23(6)
1.5 Functors, Preliminary
29(15)
1.5.1 Two kinds of functors
29(2)
1.5.2 Category labels---a clarification
31(2)
1.5.3 S-functors as range assignors
33(5)
1.5.4 S-functors and phonological indices
38(5)
1.5.5 Functors---a brief summary
43(1)
1.6 Organization
44(7)
Part I The Form, the Forming, and the Formation of Nominals
2 Introduction
51(30)
2.1 Neo-constructionist Approaches to Grimshaw's Typology
51(12)
2.2 Structural Considerations
63(8)
2.2.1 AS-nominals vs. other nominals
64(5)
2.2.2 AS-nominals vs. verbal event complexes
69(2)
2.3 Event Structure: the Building Blocks
71(6)
2.4 AS-nominals, Preliminary Structures
77(1)
2.5 The Organization of Part I
78(3)
3 Embedding Syntactic Events within Nominals
81(55)
3.1 Hebrew AS-nominals: Structures
81(8)
3.2 On Word Order Differences between AS-nominals and R-nominals
89(7)
3.3 The Object Marker 'et
96(13)
3.3.1 Siloni's analysis of 'et in derived nominals
97(8)
3.3.2 ECM constructions
105(4)
3.4 The Preposition ?al yedey
109(2)
3.5 Adverbs
111(7)
3.5.1 Distribution, categorial classification
111(3)
3.5.2 Aspectual and evidential adverbs
114(4)
3.6 Hebrew AS-nominals: Tentative Summary
118(1)
3.7 Evidence for a VP in English de-verbal AS-nominals
119(11)
3.7.1 Preliminaries
119(1)
3.7.2 The VP anaphor do so in English AS-nominals
120(3)
3.7.3 Adverbs in English AS-nominals
123(2)
3.7.4 Adjectives vs. adverbs in AS-nominals
125(3)
3.7.5 Adverb placement---some structural considerations and questions to pursue
128(2)
3.8 Evidence for AP in English De-adjectival AS-nominals
130(4)
3.9 Of the Onward Journey
134(2)
4 AS-nominals and AS-nominalizers
136(45)
4.1 The Licensing of Arguments
136(17)
4.1.1 Event structure---the schemes
136(7)
4.1.2 How many arguments? R-nominals vs. AS-nominals
143(6)
4.1.3 Blocking ditransitives in AS-nominals
149(4)
4.2 Outstanding Issues and the Organization of this
Chapter
153(3)
4.3 English Nominalizing Suffixes---Preliminaries
156(6)
4.3.1 On the non-existence of "Ø-derived" nominals, preliminary
157(1)
4.3.2 INGn[ v] nominalizers: Are they always AS-nominals?
158(4)
4.4 AS-ING Nominals are Homogeneous; AS-ATK Nominals need not be
162(5)
4.5 AS-ING Nominals Entail an Originator; AS-ATK Nominals need not
167(2)
4.6 Accounting for Particle Shift Effects in AS-nominals
169(4)
4.7 The Other INGs
173(5)
4.7.1 Gerund ING
173(2)
4.7.2 Progressive ING
175(3)
4.8 The Structure of Long AS-nominals---Summary
178(3)
5 Event Structure in Short Nominals---the Passive Paradigm
181(62)
5.1 Against PRO
181(5)
5.2 Evidence for the Passive in Hebrew AS-nominals
186(3)
5.3 De-adjectival Nominals
189(9)
5.3.1 An asymmetry and its resolution
189(4)
5.3.2 Short AS-nominals, S-nominals, and scope
193(3)
5.3.3 The return of the PRO/pro
196(2)
5.4 Passive in Broad Strokes
198(5)
5.5 A Passive Analysis for AS-nominals
203(20)
5.5.1 Quantity structures
203(3)
5.5.2 Non-quantity structures, transitive
206(2)
5.5.3 Non-quantity structures, PP-complements
208(4)
5.5.4 Hebrew, supplemental: scope, potential objections, and conative variants
212(11)
5.6 Raising Passive
223(7)
5.6.1 Raising passive and quantity
223(4)
5.6.2 Raising to Spec, D and non-quantity
227(3)
5.7 Dedicated Passive Nominals, Hebrew
230(8)
5.8 Concluding Comments
238(5)
Part II True to Form
6 The Skeleton
243(68)
6.1 Preliminaries: Bare Phrase Structure
243(14)
6.1.1 Projections and categories
243(7)
6.1.2 Architecture
250(7)
6.2 C-Functors
257(30)
6.2.1 S-functors and C-functors---an overview
257(3)
6.2.2 C-functors in a root-based system: categorial selection?
260(8)
6.2.3 C-functors---distribution
268(4)
6.2.4 C-functors and AS-nominals
272(3)
6.2.5 C-functors: locality
275(12)
6.3 Extended Projections, Functors, and Roots
287(7)
6.4 Outstanding: Linearization, Adjunction, Prefixes
294(11)
6.5 Conclusion
305(1)
Appendix: English C-Functors---a Methodological Note
306(5)
7 Categorizing Roots
311(68)
7.1 Categorizing Roots
311(6)
7.2 Categorization---Evidence and Competing Accounts
317(5)
7.2.1 Chomsky (1970)
317(1)
7.2.2 Distributed Morphology
318(4)
7.3 Against English Zero Categorizers, Part I
322(28)
7.3.1 Some general considerations
322(1)
7.3.2 Zero categorizers: the problem of distributional restrictions
323(8)
7.3.3 Zero categorizers: the problem of de-verbal nominals
331(5)
7.3.4 Growth revisited
336(7)
7.3.5 Zero categorizers: the selection problem
343(4)
7.3.6 Interim summary
347(3)
7.4 Against English Zero Categorizers, Part II: Kiparsky (1982a, 1997)
350(13)
7.4.1 Two de-nominal verbs in English?
351(1)
7.4.2 Productivity?
352(1)
7.4.3 Stress shift?
353(2)
7.4.4 An argument from ordering
355(5)
7.4.5 Triplets and the proliferation of Ø nominalizers
360(1)
7.4.6 Irregular inflection and the direction of derivation
361(2)
7.5 Multi-Categorial Instantiations for C-Functors: the Case of ING
363(8)
7.6 The Puzzle of the Adjective
371(8)
8 Taking Root
379(39)
8.1 On the Phonological Reality of Roots
379(10)
8.1.1 Allomorphs in compound roots
382(2)
8.1.2 Semitic roots
384(3)
8.1.3 Merging the phonological indices of functors
387(1)
8.1.4 Phonological root selection
388(1)
8.2 Faithfulness and Roots
389(14)
8.2.1 Morphology is morpho-phonology!
389(8)
8.2.2 A note on suppletion
397(6)
8.3 But do Roots Have (Syntactically Active) Content, Nonetheless?
403(9)
8.3.1 A note on over-generation
408(4)
8.4 Coercion---One More Argument for No-Content Roots
412(6)
9 Structuring Content
418(71)
9.1 Two Puzzles: R-nominals vs. AS-nominals
418(18)
9.1.1 Preliminaries
418(2)
9.1.2 R-nominals and AS-nominals---a brief recap
420(3)
9.1.3 R-nominals vs. AS-nominals---Content compositionality
423(7)
9.1.4 AS-nominals vs. R-nominals: morpho-phonological considerations
430(2)
9.1.5 The verb within AS-nominals, again
432(4)
9.2 Domains of Content, Domains of Spellout
436(17)
9.2.1 Preliminaries
436(2)
9.2.2 Phase (and hence Content) at categorization
438(10)
9.2.3 Phase (including Content) by Level Ordering
448(5)
9.3 ExP-Segments and S-Functors---the Content Domain
453(17)
9.3.1 Introduction
453(2)
9.3.2 Delimiting en-searching---assigning Content to the C-core
455(4)
9.3.3 Content assignment---compounds
459(2)
9.3.4 Resolving the puzzles: R-nominals vs. AS-nominals
461(5)
9.3.5 A brief summary
466(2)
9.3.6 A phase-based execution---preliminary motivation and emerging queries
468(2)
9.4 Content and Spellout
470(10)
9.4.1 The issues
470(5)
9.4.2 The spelling out of Content vs. the Contenting of spellout
475(3)
9.4.3 Some ramifications
478(2)
Appendix: Why Phrasal Idioms are Different
480(1)
A1 Introductory comments
480(3)
A2 Semantic and Content arguments for (partial) idiom compositionality
483(2)
A3 Syntactic arguments for the (partial) compositionality of phrasal idioms
485(1)
A4 Phrasal idioms and derived nominals
486(3)
10 Taking Form by Phase
489(34)
10.1 Spellout by Phase and Root Locality
489(13)
10.1.1 Phases and spellout---the issues
489(5)
10.1.2 Phases and locality conditions on roots
494(2)
10.1.3 Phases and inflectional allomorphy
496(4)
10.1.4 The pieces---how tight the fit?
500(2)
10.2 Content and Spellout---an Interaction
502(6)
10.3 The Domain of Content---Final Refinements
508(4)
10.4 Mismatches Revisited
512(1)
10.5 A Note on Category Labels
513(4)
10.6 Bringing it all Together
517(6)
11 Semitic Verbal Derivatives: Prolegomena
523(52)
11.1 Binyanim---the Builders
523(14)
11.1.1 Preliminaries
523(3)
11.1.2 Climbing up the extended projection ladder
526(4)
11.1.3 Binyanim and the merger of C-functors
530(7)
11.2 Qal: neither a Binyan nor a Builder
537(10)
11.2.1 Root vs. binyan
537(2)
11.2.2 How light is Qal?
539(8)
11.3 Categorization and Mono-morphemic Verbs
547(6)
11.3.1 Heads up
547(2)
11.3.2 Alternative perspectives?
549(4)
11.4 Semitic Verbs: the Domain of Content
553(9)
11.5 Categorial Complement Space and the Semitic Verbal System: Road Signs
562(13)
11.5.1 Summary
562(2)
11.5.2 Verbal Complement Space
564(6)
11.5.3 Other types of Complement Space
570(5)
12 Synthetic Compounds
575(55)
12.1 Introduction
575(2)
12.2 Syn-Compounds
577(6)
12.2.1 Preliminaries and the First Sister Principle
577(3)
12.2.2 On the absence of event structure in Syn-Compounds
580(1)
12.2.3 On the absence of event structure: syntactic problems
581(2)
12.3 Some Non-solutions, Some Additional Problems
583(12)
12.3.1 Root incorporation---a syntactic non-solution
583(4)
12.3.2 The obligatory transitivity of Syn-Compounds
587(4)
12.3.3 Whither the Unaccusative Hypothesis?
591(1)
12.3.4 Incorporation into a nominal---another non-solution
592(1)
12.3.5 A lexicalist treatment---third non-solution
593(2)
12.4 Compositionality
595(3)
12.5 Syn-Compounds---What Remains
598(17)
12.5.1 Explaining what remains
598(8)
12.5.2 ER---some open questions
606(9)
12.6 R-ING/Synthetic Compounds---Homogeneity and Originators
615(7)
12.6.1 Simple event nominals
615(2)
12.6.2 R-ING is homogeneous
617(2)
12.6.3 R-ING entails an Originator
619(3)
12.7 Syn-Compounds: Structures, En-searches, and Other Relevant Matters
622(6)
12.8 Conclusion
628(2)
13 Conclusion
630
References 639(18)
Terminal Index 657(2)
Name Index 659(3)
Subject Index 662
Acknowledgements vii
Abbreviations xv
A Note on Transcription xvi
Part I Exo-Skeletal Explanations
1 Structuring Sense: Introductory Comments
3(27)
1.1 How Grammatical are Words?
3(11)
1.2 Some Preliminary Notes on Functional Structure
14(16)
1.2.1 A note on the syntax-semantics interface
14(3)
1.2.2 Projecting functional structure
17(5)
1.2.3 Specifiers, complements
22(8)
2 Nuts and Bolts
30(33)
2.1 The Architecture of the Grammar
30(21)
2.1.1 Licensing functional structure: abstract head features and f-morphs
30(4)
2.1.2 Functional heads as open values: adverbs of quantification
34(4)
2.1.3 Range assignment through specifier-head agreement and definiteness marking
38(4)
2.1.3.1 A brief summary
42(1)
2.1.4 What's in a Head?
43(5)
2.1.5 Ordering within the L-D
48(3)
2.2 A Note on Inflection
51(7)
2.3 An Overview
58(5)
Part II Determining Structures
3 The Proper Way
63(23)
3.1 The Distribution of Determiners
63(7)
3.2 Proper Names
70(16)
3.2.1 Proper or common?
70(12)
3.2.2 Some more on proper names with determiners
82(4)
4 Some Stuff: On the Mass-Count Distinction
86(50)
4.1 Plurals as Classifiers
86(15)
4.1.1 Classifying Chinese
86(11)
4.1.2 A little more on the mass-count distinction in Chinese
97(4)
4.2 On the Flexibility of the Mass-Count Distinction
101(8)
4.3 A Classifier Phrase for English
109(11)
4.4 Creating Individuals
120(12)
4.5 Noun Stems in Compounds, or How Seriously Lexicalists Take the Lexicon
132(4)
5 Things that Count: Null D
136(24)
5.1 The Works
136(8)
5.2 The Interpretation of Indefinites
144(16)
6 Things that Count: Null # and Others
160(33)
6.1 Null # and the Interpretation of Definite Articles
160(9)
6.2 Heads vs. Specifiers
169(5)
6.3 Proper Names, Supplemental
174(4)
6.4 Chinese Individuals---Some Final Thoughts
178(10)
6.5 Concluding Part II
188(5)
Part III Another Language, Another System
7 One is the Loneliest Number
193(45)
7.1 Introduction
193(18)
7.1.1 On some differences between `one' and other quantifiers
193(8)
7.1.2 (Ac)counting (for) Hebrew singulars
201(10)
7.2 The Hebrew Definite Article Revisited
211(14)
7.2.1 Construct state and the licensing of cardinals in definite descriptions
211(10)
7.2.2 Quantifiers in specifiers
221(2)
7.2.3 The structure of Hebrew singulars---final touches
223(2)
7.3 A Bit More on Quantifiers as Specifiers in Hebrew, and a Speculative Note
225(13)
8 Cheese and Olives, Bottles and Cups: Notes on Measure Phrases and Container Phrases
238(23)
8.1 An Overview of the Hebrew Determiner System
238(4)
8.2 Hebrew `Massifiers'
242(19)
8.2.1 Grocerese nominals
242(5)
8.2.2 Structure for Grocerese nominals
247(4)
8.2.3 Container phrases
251(10)
9 Some Concluding Notes on Language Variation
261
References 267(18)
Index 285(71)
Acknowledgements vii
Abbreviations xv
A Note on Transcription xvi
Part I Setting Course
1 Exo-Skeletal Explanations---A Recap
3(27)
1.1 How Grammatical are Words?
3(8)
1.2 Functional Structure and the Architecture of Heads
11(11)
1.2.1 General considerations
11(3)
1.2.2 Licensing functional structure: abstract head features and f-morphs
14(1)
1.2.3 Functional heads as open values
15(4)
1.2.4 What's in a head?
19(3)
1.3 A Note on Inflection
22(3)
1.4 A Note on Idioms
25(5)
2 Why Events?
30(39)
2.1 Variable-behaviour Verbs
30(17)
2.1.1 The paradigm
30(6)
2.1.2 Evidence for syntactic representation for variable-behaviour verbs
36(11)
2.2 But Why Aktionsart?
47(8)
2.3 UTAH?
55(4)
2.4 Severing the Internal Argument from its Verb
59(10)
Part II The Projection of Arguments
3 Structuring Telicity
69(28)
3.1 Preliminaries
69(4)
3.2 Structuring Quantity
73(14)
3.2.1 Quantity objects
73(6)
3.2.2 The architecture of event structures
79(8)
3.3 Prepositional Licensing
87(10)
3.3.1 Cascade structures
87(4)
3.3.2 The conative alternation and the spray-load alternation
91(6)
4 (A)structuring Atelicity
97(24)
4.1 Where Are We?
97(2)
4.2 Atelic Transitives and Partitive Case
99(13)
4.3 Impersonal Null Subjects and the Unaccusative-Unergative Paradigm
112(9)
5 Interpreting Telicity
121(34)
5.1 Introduction
121(6)
5.2 Against Lexical Encoding
127(16)
5.3 To Quantity or to Quantize?
143(6)
5.4 Scalar Representations and Telicity
149(6)
6 Direct Range Assignment: the Slavic Paradigm
155(27)
6.1 From the Head to the Specifier: Quantity Prefixes and DP Interpretation
155(5)
6.2 Against Atelic Agreement
160(13)
6.3 Licensing DP-internal Structure
173(9)
7 Direct Range Assignment: Telicity without Verkuyl's Generalization
182(32)
7.1 Slavic Intransitive Perfectives
182(8)
7.2 Does the Perfective Mark Quantity?
190(10)
7.3 Telicity Without Verkuyl's Generalization---English
200(14)
7.3.1 Range assignment to [ Aspq(e)#] through an adverb of quantification
200(3)
7.3.2 Particles and prepositions as range assigners
203(6)
7.3.3 An open issue: predicate modifiers or range assigners?
209(5)
8 How Fine-Grained?
214(41)
8.1 Preliminaries
214(18)
8.1.1 Event structure or argument structure?
215(5)
8.1.2 Against decomposition---resultatives and others
220(12)
8.2 What Gets Modified?
232(13)
8.2.1 Preliminaries
232(1)
8.2.2 Referring to quantity, referring to non-quantity
232(2)
8.2.3 Anti-telicity effects 1: Hebrew reflexive datives
234(1)
8.2.4 Anti-telicity effects 2: nominalizering
234(11)
8.3 A Somewhat Speculative Note on the Conceptual Status of Some Predicate Modifiers
245(10)
Part III Locatives and Event Structure
9 The Existential Road: Unergatives and Transitives
255(51)
9.1 Introduction: Post-verbal Nominatives
255(6)
9.2 Projecting the Event Argument
261(11)
9.3 Assigning Range to (e)E---The Locative Paradigm
272(13)
9.3.1 Post-verbal nominatives in unergative structures
272(3)
9.3.2 Locatives and unergative constructions
275(10)
9.4 Why Locatives?
285(13)
9.4.1 The distribution of locatives and existential
285(4)
9.4.2 Existentially binding the event? Existentially binding the DP?
289(9)
9.5 Why a Weak Subject?
298(5)
9.5.1 A brief note on incorporation
301(2)
9.6 Transitive Expletives? In Hebrew??
303(2)
9.7 Conclusion
305(1)
10 Slavification and Unaccusatives
306(37)
10.1 Re-Examining the Paradigm
306(13)
10.2 And Returning to Erupting Riots
319(7)
10.3 Achievements?
326(12)
10.4 Summary
338(5)
11 Forward Oh! Some Concluding Notes
343(13)
11.1 Inter-Language and Intra-Language Variation
343(3)
11.2 Some Final Notes on the Nature of Listemes
346(10)
11.2.1 Introductory comments
346(1)
11.2.2 More on phonological indices
347(7)
11.2.3 A last note on idioms
354(2)
References 356(18)
Index 374
Hagit Borer is a Professor of Linguistics at Queen Mary, University of London. Prior to that, she held positions at the University of Southern California and at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Her main research focuses on the interaction between syntactic structure and word structure, an area that she has pursued from a syntactic perspective, from a morphological perspective, from a semantic perspective, and from the perspective of child language acquisition.