Introduction |
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xi | |
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Part I Grammaticalisation and paradigmatic structure |
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3 | (40) |
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1 Grammaticalisation and morphology |
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3 | (7) |
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10 | (1) |
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3 The cline of grammaticality: Deficiencies of the theory |
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11 | (6) |
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17 | (3) |
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20 | (2) |
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22 | (3) |
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25 | (8) |
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33 | (1) |
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9 Markedness and productivity |
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34 | (9) |
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9.1 Paradigmatic markedness |
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35 | (1) |
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9.2 Variational markedness |
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36 | (3) |
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9.3 Markedness of context |
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39 | (1) |
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9.4 Markedness and productivity |
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40 | (3) |
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Chapter 2 Topology (word order) |
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43 | (28) |
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43 | (2) |
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2 Paradigms and word order |
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45 | (6) |
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51 | (1) |
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4 Reanalysis from earlier topology |
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52 | (6) |
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4.1 Principles of topological analysis |
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53 | (1) |
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4.2 Verb second and Wackernagel |
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53 | (4) |
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4.3 Old English synchrony and a possible scenario for Scandinavian verb second |
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57 | (1) |
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5 Degrammation of word order paradigms? |
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58 | (5) |
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6 Examples of topological oppositions integrated in hyperparadigmatic structures |
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63 | (8) |
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6.1 Complex constituent formation |
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63 | (2) |
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6.2 Wackernagel's law in Latin |
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65 | (2) |
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6.3 Old French topology and the tonic - atonic pronominal system - an example of connecting grammaticalisation |
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67 | (4) |
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71 | (32) |
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71 | (1) |
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2 Definitions and motivations for introducing the level of constructions |
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72 | (20) |
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2.1 Definition and exemplification of constructions |
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72 | (4) |
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2.2 Constructions are language specific |
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76 | (4) |
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2.3 The transitive construction S-V-O |
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80 | (1) |
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2.4 Overview of paradigmatic oppositions between constructions |
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81 | (1) |
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2.4.1 Telicity in objects |
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82 | (1) |
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2.4.2 Ergativity in purely constructional paradigms |
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82 | (1) |
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2.4.3 Nonspecificity of objects |
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82 | (1) |
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2.4.4 Augmenting from two arguments to three |
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83 | (1) |
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2.4.5 Telicity in free indirect object constructions |
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84 | (1) |
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2.4.6 Types of construction |
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84 | (2) |
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2.5 Morphological marking instead of constructional oppositions |
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86 | (4) |
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2.6 Hyperparadigmatic organisation |
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90 | (2) |
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2.7 Conclusion of Section 2 |
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92 | (1) |
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3 Constructions and language change |
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92 | (11) |
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3.1 Regrammation of constructions |
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92 | (2) |
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3.2 Lexical change and constructional change |
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94 | (1) |
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3.2.1 Causative morphology and causative constructions |
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94 | (2) |
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3.2.2 Reinterpretation and regrammation of constructions |
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96 | (1) |
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3.2.3 Ejection of non-prototypical verbs |
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97 | (1) |
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3.3 Further examples of relexicalisation between constructions |
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98 | (1) |
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98 | (1) |
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99 | (1) |
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3.3.3 Verbs of electronic communication |
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100 | (1) |
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3.4 Conclusion of Section 3 |
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101 | (2) |
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Chapter 4 Connecting grammaticalisation |
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103 | (12) |
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1 Grammation, regrammation and degrammation of complex paradigms |
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105 | (2) |
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2 Grammation, regrammation and degrammation of parallel (sets of) paradigms |
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107 | (2) |
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2.1 One content system in more than one expression system |
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107 | (1) |
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2.2 Semantically complementary systems |
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108 | (1) |
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3 Connecting paradigms vs. layering |
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109 | (6) |
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Chapter 5 Patterns of connecting grammaticalisation in Russian |
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115 | (56) |
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116 | (13) |
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129 | (20) |
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2.1 Animacy in Modern Russian |
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129 | (3) |
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132 | (1) |
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2.3 From Old Russian to Modern Russian |
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132 | (1) |
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2.3.1 The syntax of the Old Russian noun phrase |
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132 | (12) |
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2.3.2 The rise of animacy as a gender |
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144 | (5) |
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149 | (18) |
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4 Parallel grammaticalisation as a type of connecting grammaticalisation |
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167 | (4) |
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Chapter 6 Word order change as grammaticalisation |
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171 | (66) |
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171 | (5) |
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1.1 The principles of topological analysis |
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172 | (3) |
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175 | (1) |
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2 Verb second in Scandinavian - paradigms and changes in Danish |
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176 | (16) |
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2.1 Verb second in Old Scandinavian |
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176 | (1) |
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2.2 Modern Danish verb second order and its simple paradigmatic organisation |
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177 | (2) |
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2.3 Verb second as subspecifications of the mood system |
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179 | (1) |
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2.4 Indicative contrasts: Old Danish verb second and Old French verb second |
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180 | (5) |
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2.5 The internal reanalysis of verb second clauses as mood |
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185 | (2) |
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2.6 The external reanalysis as mood: Illocutionary frame as a combination of mood and syntactic hierarchy |
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187 | (4) |
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2.7 Conclusion of Section 2 |
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191 | (1) |
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3 The rise of SVO order in Scandinavian from Old Scandinavian OV order in non-finite VPs |
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192 | (24) |
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3.1 The meaning of Old Scandinavian verb second |
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194 | (1) |
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195 | (2) |
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197 | (4) |
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3.4 Positional reanalysis of cohesive elements |
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201 | (2) |
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3.5 Functional motivation |
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203 | (8) |
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3.6 Adverbials as false friends |
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211 | (1) |
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212 | (1) |
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3.7.1 Reanalysis to VO-structure |
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213 | (2) |
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3.7.2 Details of the reanalysis to VO |
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215 | (1) |
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4 The origin of subjective main clauses |
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216 | (9) |
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4.1 Emotive verb second main clauses and their replacement |
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217 | (3) |
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4.2 SVO main clauses and illocutionary particles |
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220 | (5) |
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5 Conclusions and perspectives |
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225 | (12) |
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5.1 A brief overview of the topological changes from Old Scandinavian to Modern Mainland Scandinavian |
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226 | (1) |
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5.2 Harris and Campbell: A non-semantic concept of syntactic reanalysis |
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227 | (3) |
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5.3 The need for a content based approach |
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230 | (4) |
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5.4 The need for complex paradigms and connecting grammaticalisation |
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234 | (1) |
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235 | (2) |
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Chapter 7 Scenarios of grammatical change in Romance languages |
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237 | (87) |
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237 | (11) |
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1.1 The development of the case system |
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238 | (1) |
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1.2 From Latin to the Romance languages |
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239 | (3) |
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242 | (1) |
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1.3.1 Lexicalist account or constructionist account? |
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242 | (1) |
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1.3.2 Definitions of constructions |
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243 | (2) |
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1.3.3 Views on how constructions come into existence and how they may change |
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245 | (3) |
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1.4 Conclusion of Section 1 |
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248 | (1) |
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2 An illustration of connecting grammaticalisation processes: The marking of the second and the third argument |
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248 | (34) |
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2.1 The development of the dative as marker of the third argument in Romance languages |
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250 | (1) |
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250 | (5) |
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2.1.2 Late Latin and Early Romance languages, stage 2 |
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255 | (2) |
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2.1.3 Early Romance languages, stage 2 |
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257 | (1) |
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2.1.4 Later periods, stages 2 and 3 |
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258 | (5) |
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2.2 The development of the second argument in Romance languages |
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263 | (2) |
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2.2.1 From Latin to Romance |
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265 | (4) |
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2.2.2 Potential merger of the second and the third argument, stages 3 to 4 |
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269 | (2) |
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2.3 The development of the personal pronouns: Cross-reference phenomena |
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271 | (1) |
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2.3.1 The development of cross-reference in Romance languages |
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272 | (3) |
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2.3.2 The development of Romance clitics. Discussion concerning a possible typological shift due to the generalised use of clitics |
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275 | (3) |
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2.3.3 The distinction ± human in clitics, stage 3 for French, Italian (and Catalan) |
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278 | (3) |
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2.4 Conclusion of Section 2 |
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281 | (1) |
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3 Formation of construction paradigms: The dative as second argument in French |
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282 | (21) |
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283 | (3) |
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3.2 Old and Middle French |
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286 | (7) |
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3.3 The development of the verb aider from 1500-1799 |
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293 | (4) |
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3.4 Modern French, standard and advanced |
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297 | (4) |
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3.5 Conclusion of Section 3 |
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301 | (2) |
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4 The importance of absence: Constructional alternation between expressed and unexpressed second argument |
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303 | (15) |
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305 | (1) |
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306 | (2) |
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308 | (2) |
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310 | (2) |
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4.5 Modern Standard French and Colloquial French |
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312 | (4) |
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4.6 Conclusion of section 4 |
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316 | (2) |
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318 | (6) |
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5.1 Simple paradigmatically organised constructions |
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318 | (1) |
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5.2 Creation and reorganisation of complex paradigms |
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319 | (1) |
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5.2.1 The creation of the dative A2 paradigm in French |
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320 | (1) |
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5.2.2 Reorganisation of the non-subject argument paradigm in Peninsular Spanish |
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321 | (1) |
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5.3 Implications for the theory of language change |
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322 | (1) |
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5.3.1 Theoretical implications: Chains of grammaticalisation and connecting grammaticalisation |
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322 | (1) |
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5.3.2 Theoretical and methodological implications |
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323 | (1) |
Sources |
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324 | (3) |
References |
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327 | (16) |
Language index |
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343 | (2) |
Subject index |
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345 | |