Acknowledgements |
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xi | |
Chapter 1 Introduction: Explaining crime and deviance |
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1 | (23) |
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2 | (1) |
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Defining crime and deviance |
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3 | (7) |
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Norms and their role in defining crime and deviance |
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5 | (3) |
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Normative and reactivist definitions of crime and deviance |
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8 | (2) |
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The politics of social control |
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10 | (9) |
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Civil society and political obligations |
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12 | (5) |
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Social control and 'uncivil' politics: Beyond normative definitions |
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17 | (2) |
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What are theories and why should we study them? |
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19 | (2) |
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Implicit and explicit theories |
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19 | (2) |
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21 | (1) |
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21 | (1) |
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22 | (2) |
Chapter 2 The origins and influence of positivist thought |
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24 | (24) |
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25 | (1) |
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Positivism as a paradigm shift distinct from classical thought |
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25 | (5) |
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Understanding human nature: Determinist and humanist approaches |
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25 | (1) |
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Early responses to deviance and crime |
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26 | (1) |
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27 | (2) |
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29 | (1) |
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Key features of biological and psychological positivism |
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30 | (10) |
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Development of biological positivism |
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30 | (5) |
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Development of psychological positivism |
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35 | (5) |
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Some implications of positivist theory |
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40 | (3) |
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43 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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43 | (1) |
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44 | (1) |
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45 | (3) |
Chapter 3 Place and crime |
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48 | (29) |
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49 | (1) |
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49 | (1) |
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Key theories on the crime-place nexus |
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50 | (10) |
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51 | (2) |
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53 | (2) |
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55 | (3) |
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Social disorganisation theory |
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58 | (2) |
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Key contributions to theoretical advancements and policy responses |
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60 | (8) |
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Sampson's Theory of Collective Efficacy |
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61 | (1) |
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The criminology of place and crime prevention |
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62 | (3) |
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Crime mapping and justice mapping |
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65 | (3) |
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Criticisms of social ecology, social disorganisation theories and place theories |
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68 | (2) |
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70 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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71 | (1) |
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72 | (1) |
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72 | (5) |
Chapter 4 Anomie and strain |
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77 | (23) |
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78 | (1) |
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Anomie and the collective consciousness |
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78 | (5) |
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Durkheim and social facts |
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78 | (2) |
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80 | (1) |
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81 | (1) |
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82 | (1) |
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Strain theory: Social structures and modes of adaptation |
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83 | (4) |
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84 | (3) |
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A general strain theory for explaining crime and deviance |
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87 | (7) |
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Defining strain in general strain theory |
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88 | (2) |
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Categories of strain and strains most conducive to crime and deviance |
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90 | (3) |
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Coping and adoptions to strain |
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93 | (1) |
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94 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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95 | (1) |
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95 | (1) |
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95 | (5) |
Chapter 5 Deviant and criminal subcultures |
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100 | (28) |
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101 | (1) |
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The origins of a concept: Subcultures |
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102 | (3) |
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Two strands of subcultural theory |
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105 | (4) |
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American subcultural theories: Key concepts and contribution |
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109 | (5) |
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Albert Cohen (1955): The effects of the 'middle class measuring rod' |
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109 | (1) |
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Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin: 'differential opportunity structures' |
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110 | (3) |
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Walter Miller: The lower class and 'focal concerns' |
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113 | (1) |
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British subcultural theories: Key concepts and contribution |
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114 | (6) |
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116 | (1) |
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117 | (1) |
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118 | (2) |
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120 | (2) |
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122 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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123 | (1) |
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124 | (1) |
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124 | (4) |
Chapter 6 Labelling: Constructing crime and deviance |
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128 | (21) |
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129 | (1) |
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The foundations of labelling theory |
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129 | (3) |
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129 | (1) |
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130 | (2) |
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Deviance from a labelling perspective |
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132 | (8) |
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Primary and secondary deviance |
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133 | (1) |
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134 | (3) |
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137 | (3) |
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140 | (3) |
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Indicators of a moral panic |
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141 | (1) |
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Players in/contributors to a moral panic |
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141 | (2) |
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143 | (1) |
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143 | (1) |
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144 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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145 | (1) |
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145 | (1) |
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145 | (4) |
Chapter 7 Settler colonial law and the prison industrial complex |
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149 | (32) |
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150 | (1) |
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Incarceration in settler colonial societies: A statistical overview |
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150 | (5) |
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153 | (1) |
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154 | (1) |
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Neocolonialism, postcolonialism and criminology |
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155 | (3) |
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Intersectionality and criminology |
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158 | (6) |
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Critical indigenous theory |
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164 | (2) |
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166 | (4) |
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170 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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171 | (1) |
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172 | (1) |
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172 | (9) |
Chapter 8 Women, punishment and victimisation |
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181 | (27) |
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182 | (1) |
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Unpacking key terms: Sex/gender, victim/offender |
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182 | (2) |
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Constructing women's criminality |
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184 | (4) |
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Early theories in criminology: Pathologising women |
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184 | (4) |
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Feminist criminologies: Shifting the focus |
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188 | (3) |
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Women and criminal justice |
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191 | (5) |
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Women's imprisonment and the criminalisation-victimisation nexus |
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194 | (2) |
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Victimisation: Gender violence and 'cautionary tales' |
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196 | (3) |
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199 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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200 | (1) |
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201 | (1) |
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201 | (7) |
Chapter 9 Masculinity, crime and criminology |
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208 | (27) |
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209 | (2) |
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Origins of critical masculinities theory: Development and key insights |
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211 | (2) |
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Masculinities and gender orders |
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213 | (3) |
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Masculinity is a social practice, not a biological state |
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214 | (1) |
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Institutionalised social practice and masculinity |
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214 | (2) |
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Hegemonic masculinity: A framework for understanding power relations and domination |
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216 | (3) |
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219 | (8) |
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Crime as a 'resource' for 'doing' masculinity |
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219 | (4) |
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Masculinity and white-collar crime |
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223 | (4) |
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227 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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228 | (1) |
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229 | (1) |
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229 | (6) |
Chapter 10 The surveillance society and social control |
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235 | (29) |
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236 | (1) |
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Defining surveillance and understanding everyday encounters |
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237 | (2) |
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Ambiguities of surveillance |
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239 | (4) |
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Theorising the surveillance society |
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243 | (6) |
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243 | (1) |
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Michel Foucault and the Panopticon |
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244 | (3) |
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247 | (2) |
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Types and sites of surveillance |
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249 | (8) |
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249 | (4) |
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Policing the police: Body-worn cameras |
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253 | (2) |
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255 | (2) |
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257 | (1) |
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258 | (1) |
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258 | (6) |
Chapter 11 Political economy and crimes of the powerful |
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264 | (32) |
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265 | (1) |
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266 | (2) |
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266 | (1) |
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267 | (1) |
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Crime, class and conflict |
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268 | (6) |
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271 | (2) |
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Critical criminology Down Under |
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273 | (1) |
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274 | (2) |
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276 | (9) |
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277 | (3) |
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280 | (3) |
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283 | (2) |
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285 | (1) |
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285 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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286 | (2) |
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288 | (1) |
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288 | (8) |
Chapter 12 Greening the criminological landscape |
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296 | (24) |
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297 | (1) |
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Origins of green criminology |
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298 | (4) |
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299 | (3) |
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Green criminology perspectives |
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302 | (6) |
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303 | (1) |
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304 | (1) |
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305 | (3) |
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Exploring power and harm - towards green justice |
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308 | (3) |
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311 | (1) |
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312 | (1) |
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312 | (8) |
Chapter 13 Cultural criminology |
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320 | (23) |
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321 | (1) |
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The intellectual roots of cultural criminology |
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322 | (3) |
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The problem of motivation: Three cultural theories on crime and deviance |
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325 | (6) |
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The 'foreground' of crime: Katz and seduction |
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325 | |
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Risk-taking as a product of social constraint: Lyng's 'edgework' |
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321 | (8) |
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Culture as structural and imposing conformity: The criminal identities of Hall, Winlow and Ancrum |
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329 | (2) |
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The cultural absorption of crime, deviance and punishment |
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331 | (7) |
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Representing crime and deviance |
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332 | (3) |
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Our obsession with 'order': Philip Smith on popular discourse and punishment |
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335 | (3) |
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338 | (1) |
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Timeline of key theoretical contributions |
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339 | (1) |
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339 | (1) |
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340 | (3) |
Chapter 14 The international dimensions of crime and deviance |
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343 | (31) |
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344 | (1) |
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Sovereignty and the nation state |
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345 | (3) |
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Globalisation: Effects on crime and deviance |
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348 | (4) |
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350 | (2) |
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352 | (9) |
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Supranational governance: The case of the United Nations |
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352 | (4) |
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Key institutions in the global economic order: The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization |
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356 | (1) |
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357 | (1) |
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358 | (3) |
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Global 'justice' and the International Criminal Court |
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361 | (4) |
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Why are these issues crucial for criminology? |
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365 | (4) |
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369 | (1) |
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369 | (1) |
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370 | (4) |
Index |
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374 | |