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E-raamat: Morphosyntax of Imperatives

(Associate Professor of Linguistics, Concordia University)
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This book studies the properties of imperative clauses in the context of a theory of Universal Grammar. Daniela Isac argues that the specificity of imperative clauses cannot be the result of a unique imperativeForce feature; instead, the `type' of imperative clauses can be traced back to a plurality of finer grained features, such as Modality and phi-features, hosted by the Mod, Infl, and Speech Event heads, among others.

The data are drawn from a wide range of languages including various Romance, Slavic, and Germanic languages, as well as Finnish and Inuktitut. The analysis accounts for recurrent patterns in the interaction of imperative mood with phenomena like negation, restrictions on grammatical subjects, and the possibility of embedding imperative clauses. The approach, which focuses exclusively on morphosyntactic rather than semantic features, is potentially transferable to the analysis of other clause types, such as exclamatives, interrogatives, and declaratives.
General preface ix
Acknowledgments x
List of abbreviations
xi
1 Introduction and aims
1(4)
2 Descriptive properties of imperatives
5(7)
2.1 True vs. surrogate imperatives
6(3)
2.1.1 Morphological differences
6(1)
2.1.2 Relative position with respect to clitics
7(2)
2.1.3 Negation
9(1)
2.2 Two classes of true imperatives
9(3)
3 Previous analyses
12(10)
3.1 The `true' vs. `surrogate' contrast
12(4)
3.1.1 Position with respect to clitics
12(1)
3.1.2 The ban on negative imperatives
13(3)
3.2 The Class I vs. Class II contrast
16(6)
3.2.1 Different locations of the imperative features
17(1)
3.2.2 Different types of negation
17(5)
4 Why a new analysis?
22(12)
4.1 Negation and surrogate imperatives
22(4)
4.1.1 Negation and interrogatives
25(1)
4.2 Different uses of subjunctive and infinitive particles
26(2)
4.3 Differences across imperatives
28(4)
4.4 The view proposed in this book
32(2)
5 Modality
34(30)
5.1 Theory internal motivation for postulating ModP
34(2)
5.1.1 Distribution of subjunctive particles
34(1)
5.1.2 Distribution of true imperative verbs
35(1)
5.1.3 Relative position of Topic and Focus constituents
36(1)
5.2 Justification for ModP springing from output conditions
36(6)
5.2.1 Modality
37(2)
5.2.2 Imperatives and Modality
39(3)
5.3 Imperatives are modal
42(5)
5.3.1 The two problematic properties
42(3)
5.3.2 More on the denotation of Type 1 Modality carriers
45(2)
5.3.3 Summary on the modality of imperatives
47(1)
5.4 Two more differences
47(6)
5.4.1 Actuality entailments
48(2)
5.4.2 Temporal orientation
50(3)
5.5 Syntactic location of the Modality feature
53(11)
5.5.1 Two positions for modality carriers
53(10)
5.5.2 Previous literature
63(1)
6 The speaker
64(11)
6.1 The speaker as part of the meaning of imperatives
64(2)
6.2 Morphosyntactic correlates of the speaker?
66(8)
6.2.1 The speaker represented in the syntax
68(3)
6.2.2 Against representing the speaker in the syntax
71(3)
6.3 To summarize
74(1)
7 The addressee
75(26)
7.1 Making the case
75(7)
7.1.1 Null subjects of imperatives
75(2)
7.1.2 Overt subjects of imperatives
77(4)
7.1.3 Overt subjects of imperatives are genuine subjects
81(1)
7.2 Where is the addressee encoded?
82(4)
7.3 Where in the syntax?
86(15)
7.3.1 A distinct syntactic position for the Addressee
86(5)
7.3.2 A 2nd person feature on a functional head
91(6)
7.3.3 My proposal
97(4)
8 True imperatives
101(52)
8.1 An Affix Hopping analysis
103(6)
8.1.1 Class I true imperatives
103(1)
8.1.2 Class II true imperatives
103(2)
8.1.3 Challenges
105(4)
8.2 A verb movement analysis
109(44)
8.2.1 True imperatives Class I
110(6)
8.2.2 True imperatives Class II
116(30)
8.2.3 Conclusions on true imperatives
146(3)
8.2.4 Position of pronominal clitics: Class I vs. Class II
149(4)
9 Surrogate imperatives: subjunctives
153(65)
9.1 Modality in subjunctive imperatives
153(2)
9.2 Orientation toward the speaker
155(1)
9.3 Orientation toward the addressee
156(1)
9.4 Syntactic analysis: high vs. low modality
157(14)
9.4.1 Subjunctives instantiate the high Mod head
157(3)
9.4.2 Features of the Se head in subjunctive imperatives
160(1)
9.4.3 Features of the high Mod head in subjunctive imperatives
161(1)
9.4.4 More on the EPP feature of Mod
161(10)
9.5 The subject of subjunctive imperatives
171(16)
9.5.1 Subjects with valued person features
171(3)
9.5.2 Subjects with unvalued person features
174(9)
9.5.3 Null pronouns as subjects
183(2)
9.5.4 Subjects of subjunctive imperatives vs. subjects of true imperatives: politeness effects
185(2)
9.6 Negation
187(28)
9.6.1 Compatibility with negation
188(14)
9.6.2 The interpretation of the subject of negative subjunctive imperatives
202(13)
9.7 To conclude
215(3)
10 Surrogate imperatives: infinitives
218(18)
10.1 Modality
218(2)
10.2 Orientation toward the speaker
220(1)
10.3 Orientation toward the addressee
221(1)
10.4 Analysis
222(5)
10.4.1 The high Mod head
222(2)
10.4.2 Morpho-phonological realization of the Mod head in infinitive imperatives
224(3)
10.5 Negation
227(1)
10.6 The subject of infinitive imperatives
227(7)
10.6.1 Generic subjects
227(3)
10.6.2 2nd person subjects
230(4)
10.7 Conclusions
234(2)
11 Embeddedness
236(18)
11.1 Properties shared by all embedded imperatives
237(1)
11.2 Embedded true imperatives
238(5)
11.2.1 True imperatives embedded under a matrix (true) imperative
239(1)
11.2.2 True imperatives embedded under directive verbs
239(4)
11.3 Embedded surrogate imperatives
243(9)
11.3.1 The data
244(4)
11.3.2 The analysis
248(1)
11.3.3 Truncated subjunctives/infinitives
249(3)
11.4 Conclusions
252(2)
12 Conclusions
254(9)
12.1 Features
254(1)
12.2 Types of imperatives
255(4)
12.2.1 Modality across types of imperatives
256(1)
12.2.2 Subjects across types of imperatives
256(2)
12.2.3 Grammatical vs. non-grammatical properties
258(1)
12.3 Negation
259(2)
12.3.1 Ban on negative true imperatives
259(1)
12.3.2 Surrogate imperatives that must be negated
260(1)
12.3.3 Restrictions on the subject in negative imperatives
260(1)
12.4 Embedded imperatives
261(2)
References 263(14)
Index 277
Daniela Isac is Associate Professor of Linguistics at Concordia University, where she has been teaching since receiving her PhD in 2000 from the University of Bucharest. Her interests include syntactic theory, the syntax-semantics interface, and the foundations of linguistics as cognitive science. She is the co-author, with Charles Reiss, of i-Language: An Introduction to Linguistics as Cognitive Science (OUP, 2008; 2nd edition 2013).