General Preface |
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x | |
Acknowledgments |
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xii | |
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xiii | |
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1 | (9) |
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1.1 The present perfective paradox: A first glance |
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1 | (3) |
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4 | (1) |
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1.3 A cognitive-semantic approach to cross-linguistic variation |
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4 | (4) |
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1.4 The structure of the study |
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8 | (2) |
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2 An epistemic approach to the categories of tense and aspect |
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10 | (25) |
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10 | (7) |
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2.1.1 Temporal and non-temporal uses of tense constructions |
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10 | (3) |
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2.1.2 A modal account of the present tense |
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13 | (4) |
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17 | (15) |
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2.2.1 Lexical and grammatical aspect: A unified aspect model |
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18 | (3) |
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21 | (1) |
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2.2.2.1 Perfective and imperfective aspect |
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21 | (2) |
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2.2.2.2 Other types of grammatical aspect |
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23 | (5) |
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28 | (4) |
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32 | (3) |
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3 The present perfective paradox: The state of the art |
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35 | (19) |
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3.1 The incompatibility problem |
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35 | (5) |
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3.2 Previous analyses of the incompatibility problem |
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40 | (11) |
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3.3 Objectives of the current study |
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51 | (3) |
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4 The present perfective paradox in English |
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54 | (34) |
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4.1 Usage types of the English simple present |
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55 | (6) |
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4.1.1 Present-time reference |
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55 | (2) |
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57 | (1) |
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58 | (1) |
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4.1.4 Non-counterfactual conditionals |
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58 | (1) |
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4.1.5 Habitual and generic contexts |
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58 | (1) |
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4.1.6 The use of the simple present versus the present progressive in comparable contexts |
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58 | (2) |
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4.1.7 Overview of the usage types of the English simple present |
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60 | (1) |
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4.2 Previous analyses of the semantics of the English present tense |
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61 | (4) |
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4.2.1 Analyses of the temporal meaning of the simple present |
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61 | (1) |
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4.2.2 Analyses of the aspectual meaning of the simple present |
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62 | (1) |
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4.2.3 The simple present versus the present progressive: Aspectual and modal accounts |
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63 | (2) |
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4.3 The semantics of the English present tense and the rise of the present perfective paradox |
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65 | (13) |
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4.3.1 A semantic analysis of the English simple present |
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65 | (1) |
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4.3.1.1 Basic modal and temporal meaning |
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66 | (1) |
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4.3.1.2 Aspectual meaning |
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67 | (1) |
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4.3.1.3 The modal contrast between the simple present and the present progressive |
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68 | (2) |
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4.3.1.4 The development of the present progressive and the rise of the perfective meaning of the simple present in English |
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70 | (1) |
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4.3.2 Interactions between the simple present and types of lexical aspect in different contexts |
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71 | (1) |
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4.3.2.1 States versus events |
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71 | (2) |
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4.3.2.2 Present-time reference with events in non-virtual contexts |
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73 | (3) |
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4.3.2.3 Present-time reference with events in virtual contexts |
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76 | (2) |
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4.4 Two types of solution for the incompatibility problems |
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78 | (9) |
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4.4.1 A structural interpretation |
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78 | (2) |
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80 | (1) |
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4.4.2.1 The present perfect |
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81 | (2) |
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4.4.2.2 The present progressive |
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83 | (4) |
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87 | (1) |
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5 The present perfective paradox in French |
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88 | (24) |
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5.1 Usage types of the French simple present |
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89 | (6) |
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5.1.1 Present-time reference |
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89 | (1) |
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90 | (2) |
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92 | (2) |
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5.1.4 Non-counterfactual conditionals |
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94 | (1) |
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5.1.5 Habitual and generic contexts |
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94 | (1) |
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5.1.6 Overview of the usage types of the French simple present |
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94 | (1) |
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5.2 Previous analyses of the semantics of the French simple present |
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95 | (3) |
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5.3 The semantics of the French simple present and how it avoids the rise of the present perfective paradox |
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98 | (11) |
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5.3.1 The basic modal and temporal meaning of the simple present |
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98 | (1) |
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5.3.2 The aspectual ambiguity of the simple present |
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99 | (1) |
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5.3.2.1 Aspectual ambiguity and the continuative present perfect |
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100 | (1) |
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5.3.2.2 Epistemic implications of the aspectual ambiguity |
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101 | (2) |
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5.3.3 The French simple present and the present perfective paradox |
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103 | (2) |
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5.3.4 The modal contrast between the simple present and the present progressive |
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105 | (4) |
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5.4 A diachronic explanation for the aspectual ambiguity of the simple present |
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109 | (2) |
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111 | (1) |
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6 The present perfective paradox in Sranan |
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112 | (28) |
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6.1 Preliminary observations |
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112 | (3) |
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6.2 Methodology: Actional classification and corpus analysis |
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115 | (3) |
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6.2.1 Classes of lexical aspect |
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115 | (2) |
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6.2.2 Corpus data and elicitations |
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117 | (1) |
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118 | (7) |
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6.3.1 Present-time reference |
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118 | (2) |
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120 | (1) |
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121 | (1) |
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6.3.4 Past perfective outside narrative contexts |
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122 | (1) |
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6.3.5 Non-counterfactual conditional clauses |
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123 | (1) |
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6.3.6 Overview of the usage types of zero |
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124 | (1) |
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6.4 Previous analyses of zero, ben, and e |
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125 | (5) |
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6.5 Analysis: Zero as a present perfective marker |
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130 | (9) |
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6.5.1 Zero as a present perfective marker and the rise of the present perfective paradox |
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130 | (2) |
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6.5.2 Two types of solution for the present perfective paradox |
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132 | (1) |
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6.5.2.1 Type shifting: The progressive/habitual e |
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132 | (1) |
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6.5.2.2 Alternative `non-present' interpretations |
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133 | (6) |
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139 | (1) |
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7 The present perfective paradox in Slavic |
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140 | (44) |
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7.1 Slavic-style aspect in this study |
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143 | (5) |
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7.2 Usage types of the present (perfective) tense across Slavic languages |
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148 | (18) |
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7.2.1 In northeastern Slavic (Russian and Polish) |
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148 | (1) |
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7.2.1.1 Future-time reference |
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148 | (3) |
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151 | (2) |
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7.2.1.3 Historical present |
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153 | (1) |
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7.2.1.4 Realis conditionals |
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154 | (1) |
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155 | (2) |
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7.2.2 In northwestern Slavic (Czech) |
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157 | (1) |
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7.2.2.1 Future-time reference |
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157 | (1) |
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158 | (1) |
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7.2.2.3 Historical present |
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159 | (1) |
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7.2.2.4 Non-counterfactual conditionals |
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160 | (1) |
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160 | (1) |
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7.2.3 In southwestern Slavic (Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian) |
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161 | (1) |
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162 | (1) |
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7.2.3.2 Historical present |
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162 | (1) |
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7.2.3.3 Realis conditionals |
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163 | (1) |
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7.2.3.4 Actual present-time reference |
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163 | (1) |
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164 | (2) |
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7.3 The rise of the present perfective paradox in Slavic |
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166 | (10) |
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7.3.1 Arguments in favor of a present-tense analysis |
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166 | (1) |
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7.3.2 Why does the present-time reporting of perfective events seem more problematic in the eastern Slavic languages than in the western Slavic languages? |
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167 | (9) |
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7.4 Two types of solution for the incompatibility problems |
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176 | (6) |
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7.4.1 Imperfective and perfect construals |
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176 | (1) |
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7.4.1.1 Imperfectivization |
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176 | (1) |
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7.4.1.2 The limited type-shifting function of the perfect in South Slavic |
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177 | (1) |
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7.4.2 Non-present readings: The `prospective strategy' and the `structural strategy' |
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177 | (1) |
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7.4.2.1 The exploitation of the `prospective strategy' in different Slavic languages |
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177 | (4) |
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7.4.2.2 The `structural strategy' and eastern--western differences |
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181 | (1) |
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182 | (2) |
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8 Conclusion and wider relevance |
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184 | (16) |
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8.1 The rise and resolution of the present perfective paradox across languages |
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185 | (10) |
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8.1.1 The conceptual problems underlying the present perfective paradox |
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185 | (1) |
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8.1.2 Preemptive blocking of the present perfective paradox: Present-tense constructions with an imperfective value |
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186 | (1) |
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8.1.3 The role of (types of) lexical and grammatical aspect |
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187 | (2) |
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8.1.4 Present-time event reports in specific (perfective) contexts |
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189 | (3) |
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8.1.5 Solutions to the present perfective paradox |
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192 | (1) |
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8.1.5.1 Alternative `non-present' readings: The `prospective', `retrospective', and `structural strategy' |
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192 | (2) |
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8.1.5.2 Type-shifting constructions that enable present-time reference |
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194 | (1) |
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8.2 Wider relevance and future research |
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195 | (5) |
References |
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200 | (13) |
Index |
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213 | |