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E-raamat: Reflexive Marking in the History of French

(Newcastle University)
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Reflexive Marking in the History of FrenchSuurem pilt
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While French reflexive clitics have been widely studied, other forms of expressing co-reference within the clause have not received much attention. This monograph offers a diachronic study of the wider system of clause-mate co-reference in French, including the stressed pronouns, their suffixed form {soi/lui/elle}-même, and also the intensifier use of the latter. Its empirical backbone is a corpus analysis of the gradual replacement of stressed reflexive soi with the personal pronoun lui/elle from Old to Modern French. Apart from offering insights into the history of the language, this is important for current issues in theoretical linguistics, in particular binding, specificity, and the interaction of grammar and discourse. Within a cognitive-semantic framework, a number of analyses will help elucidate some long-standing puzzles in the study of French reflexives, while contributing to the wider theory of reflexivity and related issues. This book is of interest to the fields of French linguistics, semantics, discourse studies, and historical linguistics.
Preface ix
Chapter 1 Introduction: Diachronic change in anaphoric systems
1(16)
1.1 A rearrangement of the French reflexive system
1(5)
1.2 Key theoretical assumptions
6(6)
1.2.1 Construction grammar
6(3)
1.2.2 Anaphoric relations
9(3)
1.3 Reflexivity
12(5)
1.3.1 Specialized reflexives: Not necessary but near-universal
12(2)
1.3.2 Why are specialized reflexives so common in human language?
14(3)
Chapter 2 Anaphora in discourse vs. in grammar
17(60)
2.1 Anaphoric relations: Grammar or discourse?
17(5)
2.1.1 Discourse vs. grammar
17(2)
2.1.2 Grammatical vs. discourse anaphors
19(3)
2.2 Specificity
22(17)
2.2.1 On the nature of specificity
24(8)
2.2.2 Variation of anaphor for the same antecedent
32(2)
2.2.3 Accommodating a predicate-internal argument in discourse
34(2)
2.2.4 Accommodation and specificity: The incremental production of common ground
36(2)
2.2.5 Summary
38(1)
2.3 Binding
39(31)
2.3.1 Classic issues surrounding Binding Theory
40(4)
2.3.2 At the heart of Binding Theory: Special marking of clause-mate coreference
44(3)
2.3.3 Motivation for special marking of reflexives: Seuren's True Binarity Principle
47(3)
2.3.4 Complementarity: Essential or accidental?
50(3)
2.3.5 Reflexive marking as construction-internal anaphor
53(5)
2.3.6 More arguments for the distinction of binding and coreference
58(4)
2.3.7 Contrasts of perspective in non-complementary reflexives
62(4)
2.3.8 On the link between binding and specificity
66(2)
2.3.9 On the preference of plural subjects for personal pronouns
68(2)
2.4 The reflexive pronoun as a litmus test for argumenthood
70(4)
2.5 Summary
74(3)
Chapter 3 From reflexive to personal pronoun: The expression of clause-mate coreference in French
77(56)
3.1 Previous studies
77(11)
3.1.1 Earlier commentators and reference grammars
77(1)
3.1.2 Warnecke (1908)
78(2)
3.1.3 Brandt (1944)
80(7)
3.1.4 More recent studies
87(1)
3.2 Soi vs. lui/elle in Contemporary Spoken French
88(2)
3.3 Clause-mate coreference in Written French
90(30)
3.3.1 Use of soi
90(5)
3.3.2 On and chacun
95(3)
3.3.3 Choice of anaphor in clause-mate coreference contexts
98(1)
3.3.3.1 Parler de soi
99(3)
3.3.3.2 Mener avec soi
102(2)
3.3.3.3 Voir devant soi
104(2)
3.3.3.4 Penser en soi
106(2)
3.3.3.5 Porter en soi
108(4)
3.3.3.6 Contenir en soi
112(2)
3.3.3.7 Faire x pour soi
114(2)
3.3.3.8 Appeler a soi
116(2)
3.3.3.9 Mettre pres/aupres de soi
118(2)
3.3.4 Summary
120(1)
3.4 Spatial prepositions in Old French and the Axial Parts theory
120(2)
3.5 Animacy and specificity as relevant contrasts
122(6)
3.6 Plural subjects
128(3)
3.7 Summary
131(2)
Chapter 4 Simple vs. reinforced reflexives
133(28)
4.1 Introduction
133(1)
4.2 Reinhart & Reuland's (1993) classification of reflexive anaphors
134(3)
4.3 Four ways of conveying reflexivity
137(6)
4.3.1 Co-indexation of arguments vs. reflexive predicate
137(5)
4.3.2 Differences and commonalities with R&R 1993
142(1)
4.3.3 The reflexive clitic
143(1)
4.4 Meme as predicate particle marking reflexivity
143(6)
4.5 Choice of lui vs. lui-meme in diachrony
149(4)
4.5.1 Meme excluded
149(1)
4.5.2 Meme optional
149(1)
4.5.2.1 Etre fier de soi-meme
150(1)
4.5.2.2 Etre content de soi-meme
151(1)
4.5.3 Meme required
152(1)
4.5.4 Summary
152(1)
4.6 Meme as predicate focus marker
153(7)
4.6.1 Predicate vs. argument focus
153(1)
4.6.2 Choice of anaphor in il pense a lui(meme)
154(3)
4.6.3 Lui vs. lui-meme and the co-indexation vs. reflexivity distinction
157(1)
4.6.4 Semantic differences between lui/elle and lui/elle-meme predicates
158(2)
4.7 Summary
160(1)
Chapter 5 Intensifies in French
161(16)
5.1 Intensifies in English
161(2)
5.1.1 Intensifies vs. reflexives
161(1)
5.1.2 Types of intensifies
162(1)
5.2 Intensifies in French
163(3)
5.2.1 Adnominal
163(1)
5.2.2 Adverbal-exclusive
164(1)
5.2.3 Adverbal-inclusive
165(1)
5.3 On the nature of the distinction between ad-verbal exclusive and ad-verbal inclusive
166(4)
5.3.1 Siemund (2000): Distinction in verbal semantics
166(1)
5.3.2 Adverbal-exclusive vs. adverbal-inclusive: Content-level vs. context-level
167(3)
5.4 On the relationship between the three types of intensifies
170(2)
5.5 Diachronic profile of intensifier readings
172(3)
5.6 Summary
175(2)
Chapter 6 From mention to reference: Explaining language change
177(28)
6.1 Explaining language change
177(7)
6.1.1 Generative approaches to language change
177(2)
6.1.2 Functional approaches to language change
179(2)
6.1.3 Rhetorical devaluation as a driving force in grammatical change
181(3)
6.2 Rhetorical devaluation in grammatical change
184(13)
6.2.1 Negation in French
185(6)
6.2.2 The rise of compound past tenses
191(4)
6.2.3 Subjectification
195(1)
6.2.4 Summary
196(1)
6.3 Reference and mention
197(6)
6.3.1 Topicality hierarchy and differential object marking
197(5)
6.3.2 Reference vs. mention as choice between speaker-centred and less speaker-centred form
202(1)
6.4 Summary
203(2)
Chapter 7 Concluding remarks
205(4)
7.1 Summary of results
205(3)
7.2 Prospects for future research
208(1)
References 209(8)
Appendix 217(8)
Index 225
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