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E-raamat: Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics: Rhetoric and Restraint in China's Diplomacy

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  • Sari: Transforming Asia
  • Ilmumisaeg: 01-Oct-2025
  • Kirjastus: Amsterdam University Press
  • Keel: eng
  • ISBN-13: 9781040797099
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  • Formaat: EPUB+DRM
  • Sari: Transforming Asia
  • Ilmumisaeg: 01-Oct-2025
  • Kirjastus: Amsterdam University Press
  • Keel: eng
  • ISBN-13: 9781040797099
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The view that China has become increasingly assertive under President Xi Jinping is now a common trope in academic and media discourse. However, until the end of Xi Jinpings first term in March 2018, China had been relatively restrained in its use of coercive economic measures. This is puzzling given the conventional belief among scholars and practitioners that sanctions are a middle ground between diplomatic and military/paramilitary action. Using a wide range of methods and data including in-depth interviews with 76 current and former politicians, policy-makers, diplomats, and commercial actors across 12 countries and 16 cities Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics: Rhetoric and Restraint in Chinas Diplomacy examines the ways in which China had employed economic sanctions to further its political objectives, and the factors explaining Chinas behaviour. This book provides a systematic investigation into the ways in which Chinese decisionmakers approached sanctions both at the United Nations Security Council and unilaterally, and shows how Chinas longstanding sanctions rhetoric has had a constraining effect on its behaviour, resulting in its inability to employ sanctions in complete alignment with its immediate interests.

Arvustused

"As anxiety over Chinas presumed assertiveness continues to surge around the world, Pohs book thus offers a compelling case that policymakers should explicitly call out Beijings hypocrisy when it deploys sanctions. This innovative policy implication, augmented by the books conceptual and methodological contributions, render this work a timely and important contribution to our understanding of Chinas economic statecraft." - James Reilly, The China Quarterly, Volume 247, September 2021

"[ ...] Pohs excellent study shows us that (for the most part) the PRC has up to this point been held back by fetters of its own making." - Todd H. Hall, Journal of Chinese Political Science, Vol. 27, Iss. 02

List of Abbreviations
11(2)
Acknowledgments 13(2)
1 The Puzzle of Chinese Sanctions
15(10)
1.1 Arguments and implications
17(3)
1.2
Chapter overview
20(5)
2 On Sanctions and China
25(26)
2.1 Thinking about sanctions
25(8)
2.1a Coercive sanctions
28(1)
2.1.2 Constraining sanctions
29(1)
2.1.3 Signalling sanctions
30(3)
2.2 China and sanctions: existing explanations
33(11)
2.2.1 Explanation 1: China was not yet powerful enough
33(4)
2.2.2 Explanation 2: The Chinese leadership was constrained by its domestic actors
37(2)
2.2.3 Explanation 3: China's participation in the WTO shaped its sanctions behaviour
39(2)
2.2.4 Explanation 4: History and culture shaped China's sanctions behaviour
41(3)
2.3 Conclusion
44(7)
3 When Does Talk Become Costly?: International Audience Costs and China's Sanctions Behaviour
51(34)
3.1 International audience costs
53(18)
3.1.1 On audience costs
53(6)
3.1.2 What are `international audience costs' and why do they matter?
59(4)
3.1.3 Condition 1: The offender needs to be concerned about international opinion
63(2)
3.1.4 Condition 2: There must be at least one rhetorical actor present
65(6)
3.2 The effects of international audience costs on China's sanctions behaviour
71(7)
3.2.1 China's quest for recognition and higher international status
71(4)
3.2.2 Sanctions rhetoric as China's counter-stigmatisation strategy
75(3)
3.3 Conclusion
78(7)
4 Stigmatising Sanctions and China's Counter-Stigmatisation
85(52)
4.1 Stigmatising sanctions and stigma management strategies
87(7)
4.1.1 Defining stigma and stigmatising sanctions
87(1)
4.1.2 Stigma management strategies and their implications
88(4)
4.1.3 China and stigmatising sanctions
92(2)
4.2 US and Europe's stigmatising sanctions against China 1949 onwards
94(25)
4.2.1 The inception of sanctions against China, 1949-1971
94(2)
4.2.2 Motivations behind US sanctions against China
96(3)
4.2.3 China's response to Cold War sanctions
99(5)
4.2.4 China's admission to the UN
104(1)
4.2.5 The road to China's UN admission
105(3)
4.2.6 China's reaction to its UN admission
108(2)
4.2.7 The lifting of Cold War sanctions and beginning of US-led sanctions after the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident
110(1)
4.2.8 The extent of post-Tiananmen sanctions, 1989-1993
111(2)
4.2.9 China's response to the Tiananmen sanctions
113(3)
4.2.10 Post-Tiananmen debates 1993 onwards
116(3)
4.3 China's counter-stigmatisation: its sanctions frame at the UNSC, 1997-2016
119(7)
4.3.1 Method of analysis
120(1)
4.3.2 China's stated standards of sanctions legitimacy at the UNSC, 1997-2016
121(5)
4.4 Conclusion
126(11)
5 China and United Nations Security Council Sanctions
137(54)
5.1 China and UNSC sanctions: correlation analysis and case study selection
138(11)
5.1.1 Correlation analysis: methodology
139(2)
5.1.2 Correlation analysis: the relevance of the rhetoric-based hypothesis
141(5)
5.1.3 Selection of case studies
146(2)
5.1.4 China and sanctions: five competing hypotheses
148(1)
5.2 China and sanctions against the DPRK: from resistance to cooperation
149(12)
5.2.1 Background of UNSC sanctions against the DPRK
149(2)
5.2.2 Competing explanations concerning China's behaviour towards DPRK sanctions
151(2)
5.2.3 Playing up China's non-proliferation commitments: the US as a rhetorical actor
153(7)
5.2.4 Conclusion of the DPRK case
160(1)
5.3 China's rejection of proposed sanctions against Syria
161(12)
5.3.1 Background of proposed UNSC sanctions against Syria
161(3)
5.3.2 Competing explanations for China's behaviour towards sanctions against Syria
164(2)
5.3.3 Explaining China's behaviour: discourse on human rights, intervention, and the Libya effect
166(6)
5.3.4 Conclusion of the Syrian case
172(1)
5.4 China's support for sanctions against Guinea-Bissau: a failed test?
173(9)
5.4.1 Background of the Guinea-Bissau case
173(2)
5.4.2 Competing explanations for China's behaviour towards sanctions against Guinea-Bissau
175(2)
5.4.3 Explaining China's voting behaviour towards Guinea-Bissau sanctions: the lack of a rhetorical actor
177(4)
5.4.4 Conclusion of the Guinea-Bissau case
181(1)
5.5 Conclusion
182(9)
6 China's Unilateral Sanctions: Eight Classic Cases Revisited
191(32)
6.1 China's use (or non-use) of unilateral sanctions in the eight classic cases
193(21)
6.1.1 China-France dispute over French President Nicolas Sarkozy's meeting with the Dalai Lama
194(2)
6.1.2 China-US dispute over arms sales to Taiwan
196(1)
6.1.3 China-Japan dispute over a trawler collision in mutually claimed waters
197(1)
6.1.4 China-Norway dispute over the Nobel Peace Prize award to Liu Xiaobo
198(3)
6.1.5 China-Philippines dispute over the Scarborough Shoal
201(4)
6.1.6 China-Vietnam dispute over an oil rig
205(2)
6.1.7 China-Taiwan dispute over the newly elected Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen's refusal to explicitly endorse the `1992 Consensus'
207(3)
6.1.8 China-South Korea dispute over the deployment of the US THAAD system
210(4)
6.2 Evidence from the eight classic cases: summary and interpretation
214(9)
7 Demystifying China's Sanctions Behaviour
223(36)
7.1 China's unilateral sanctions behaviour: possible explanations
224(26)
7.1.1 China was not yet powerful enough to employ unilateral sanctions effectively
224(2)
7.1.2 The Chinese leadership was constrained by its domestic actors
226(3)
7.1.3 China's participation in the World Trade Organization (WTO) shaped its sanctions behaviour
229(3)
7.1.4 History and culture shaped China's sanctions behaviour, leading Chinese leaders to prefer inducement over coercion
232(3)
7.1.5 China's sanctions rhetoric constrained its behaviour
235(11)
7.1.6 Limitations of the rhetoric-based hypothesis
246(4)
7.2 Lessons from the `eight classic cases'
250(9)
8 China's Sanctions Dilemma
259(22)
8.1 Policy and theoretical implications
264(6)
8.2 The future of China's sanctions rhetoric and behaviour
270(2)
8.3 Areas for further study
272(9)
Appendix A United Nations Security Council Meeting Records: Coverage of Speeches by Chinese Representatives, 1997-2016 281(6)
Appendix B Complete List of Proposed United Nations Security Council Sanctions-Related Resolutions, 1971-2016 287(22)
Appendix C China's Material Interests with Targeted Sanctions Regimes 309(16)
Bibliography 325(42)
Index 367
Angela Poh is an Adjunct Research Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. She holds a PhD in International Relations. Her research interests include Chinese foreign policy, the intersection of history and international relations, sanctions, and rhetoric in international politics. Her works have appeared in journals such as Asian Security, The Washington Quarterly, and Asia Policy.