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E-raamat: English Resultatives: A force-recipient account

(Kansai University)
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English Resultatives: A force-recipient accountSuurem pilt
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"The objective of this book is to develop a force-recipient account of English resultatives. Within this approach the post-verbal NP is a recipient of a verbal force, whether it is a subcategorized object or not, and the verbal force being exerted onto the post-verbal NP is responsible for bringing about the change as specified by the result phrase. It is shown that many apparent puzzles posed by English resultatives are due to the complex interplay between the verb meaning and the constructional meaning, or between the verb meaning and the semantics of the result phrase. Thus the proposed account can provide answers to the question "Which resultatives are possible and which are not?" in a coherent way. Also, the proposed account reveals that English resultatives are not a monolithic phenomenon, and that some "resultatives" cited in the literature as such are not resultatives at all. This book is of interest not only to practitioners of Construction Grammar but also to everyone interested in English resultatives"--

The objective of this book is to develop a force-recipient account of English resultatives. Within this approach the post-verbal NP is a recipient of a verbal force, whether it is a subcategorized object or not, and the verbal force being exerted onto the post-verbal NP is responsible for bringing about the change as specified by the result phrase. It is shown that many apparent puzzles posed by English resultatives are due to the complex interplay between the verb meaning and the constructional meaning, or between the verb meaning and the semantics of the result phrase. Thus the proposed account can provide answers to the question “Which resultatives are possible and which are not?” in a coherent way. Also, the proposed account reveals that English resultatives are not a monolithic phenomenon, and that some “resultatives” cited in the literature as such are not resultatives at all. This book is of interest not only to practitioners of Construction Grammar but also to everyone interested in English resultatives.
Acknowledgements xix
Chapter 1 Introduction
1(20)
1.1 What this book is about
1(3)
1.1.1 What are resultatives
1(1)
1.1.2 Two questions raised by resultatives with non-subcategorized objects
2(2)
1.2 How resultatives have been analyzed in Generative Grammar
4(3)
1.2.1 Small clause analysis
4(2)
1.2.2 Lexical rule approach
6(1)
1.3 How resultatives have been analyzed in Construction Grammar
7(7)
1.3.1 Goldberg (1995)
7(3)
1.3.2 Boas (2003)
10(4)
1.3.3 Short summary
14(1)
1.4 The analysis to be proposed in this book
14(5)
1.4.1 How to answer the two questions
14(2)
1.4.2 A lexical-constructional approach
16(1)
1.4.3 Methodology
17(1)
1.4.4 Terminology
18(1)
1.5 Organization of the book
19(2)
PART I A force-recipient account
21(48)
Chapter 2 The status of the post-verbal NP
23(24)
2.0 Introduction to Part I
23(1)
2.1 Toward the constructional meaning of resultatives
23(8)
2.1.1 Boas (2003) once again
23(1)
2.1.2 Three possible paraphrases
24(2)
2.1.3 Problems with the first and second approaches
26(3)
2.1.4 Force-recipient account
29(2)
2.2 How force is transmitted
31(3)
2.2.1 Wipe the crumbs off the table
31(1)
2.2.2 Virtual pushing
32(2)
2.3 Further illustrations of virtual actions
34(10)
2.3.1 Push oneself to one's feet
34(3)
2.3.2 Laugh -- off the stage
37(3)
2.3.3 Sneeze -- out
40(4)
2.4 Discourse patient?
44(2)
2.5 Conclusion
46(1)
Chapter 3 Force transmission as essential to resultatives
47(22)
3.0 Introduction
47(1)
3.1 Subcategorized object cases
47(5)
3.1.1 Post-verbal NP as force-recipient
47(2)
3.1.2 Types offeree
49(3)
3.2 Verbal force as relativized to the result state
52(4)
3.3 Non-subcategorized object cases again
56(9)
3.3.1 So-called "unaccusative/unergative" distinction
56(4)
3.3.2 Types of force, not types of participant roles
60(5)
3.4 Intransitive resultatives based on intransitive verbs
65(3)
3.5 Conclusion
68(1)
PART II So-called idiomatic cases
69(62)
Chapter 4 He laughed his head off
71(28)
4.0 Introduction to Part II
71(1)
4.1 V one's head off
72(6)
4.1.1 Why does his head move off?
72(1)
4.1.2 Force dynamics of `V one's head off'
73(1)
4.1.3 Network of `V one's head off'
74(4)
4.2 Two layers of meaning
78(5)
4.3 Other related constructions
83(12)
4.3.1 V one's eyes out
83(2)
4.3.2 V one's heart out
85(3)
4.3.3 V one's guts out
88(3)
4.3.4 V one's lungs out
91(1)
4.3.5 V one's socks off and V one's butt off
92(3)
4.4 Discussion
95(4)
Chapter 5 They beat the hell out of me
99(32)
5.0 Introduction
99(2)
5.1 A construction which beat the hell out of is related to
101(3)
5.1.1 Perek (2016)
101(1)
5.1.2 `Beat -- out of' construction
102(2)
5.2 Five types of beat -- out of
104(7)
5.2.1 `Content coming out of a container' type
104(1)
5.2.2 `Get rid of' type
105(1)
5.2.3 `Get by coercion' type
106(2)
5.2.4 `Physiological effect' type and `emotional effect' type
108(1)
5.2.5 What the three schemas tell us
109(2)
5.3 From beat the hell out of to `V the hell out of'
111(7)
5.3.1 Beat the hell out of as the `emotional effect' type
111(1)
5.3.2 From literal meaning to intensifier meaning
112(1)
5.3.3 Polysemy network of `V the hell out of'
112(5)
5.3.4 Interim conclusion
117(1)
5.4 `V the shit out of' and `V the daylights out of'
118(4)
5.4.1 Which types do beat the shit out of and beat the daylights out of belong to?
118(1)
5.4.2 Polysemous networks of `V the daylights out of' and `V the shit out of'
119(3)
5.5 Possible origins of `V -- out of' idioms
122(1)
5.5.1 Beat the devil out of
122(1)
5.5.2 Beat the stuffing out of
122(1)
5.6 `V the life out of'
123(3)
5.7 Two types of complement alternation
126(3)
5.7.1 To death and shitless
126(1)
5.7.2 Out of one's wits
127(2)
5.8 Conclusion
129(2)
PART III Resultatives and domains
131(58)
Chapter 6 Resultatives with verbs of eating and drinking I
133(24)
6.0 Introduction to Part III
133(2)
6.1 How to analyze resultatives with eat and drink
135(8)
6.1.1 Croft (2009)
135(2)
6.1.2 More on the three phases
137(1)
6.1.3 Complex causal chains for eat
138(2)
6.1.4 Eat -- clean and eat oneself full
140(3)
6.2 Eat oneself AP/PP
143(4)
6.2.1 Eat themselves out of a food supply
143(1)
6.2.2 Eat oneself to death
144(3)
6.3 Drink oneself AP/PP
147(6)
6.3.1 Drink oneself beautiful
147(3)
6.3.2 Drink oneself silly
150(2)
6.3.3 Drink oneself to death
152(1)
6.4 Result states as relativized to the domains
153(3)
6.5 Summary and conclusion
156(1)
Chapter 7 Resultatives with verbs of eating and drinking II
157(14)
7.0 Introduction
157(1)
7.1 Eat -- out of house and home
157(6)
7.1.1 The caribou eat themselves out of house and home
157(3)
7.1.2 He ate me out of house and home
160(3)
7.2 Drink -- under the table
163(6)
7.2.1 Two domains involved
163(3)
7.2.2 The "beating" sense as primary
166(3)
7.3 Summary
169(1)
7.4 Conclusion
170(1)
Chapter 8 He laughed himself silly
171(18)
8.0 Introduction
171(1)
8.1 `V oneself silly'
171(7)
8.1.1 Jackendoff (1997)
171(1)
8.1.2 What does it mean to become "silly" as a result of laughing?
172(3)
8.1.3 Short-lived result state
175(1)
8.1.4 Other instances of `V oneself silly'
175(3)
8.2 `V oneself stupid'
178(4)
8.3 `V oneself sick'
182(4)
8.4 Summary
186(1)
8.5 Conclusion
187(2)
PART IV `Change verb' resultatives and how to accommodate them
189(68)
Chapter 9 `Change verb' resultatives
191(20)
9.0 Introduction to Part IV
191(1)
9.1 Weak resultatives and spurious resultatives
191(5)
9.1.1 Pustejovsky (1991a)
191(2)
9.1.2 Washio (1997)
193(1)
9.1.3 Further characteristics of `change verb' resultatives
194(2)
9.2 How change verb' resultatives are to be analyzed
196(4)
9.2.1 What is the host of predication?
196(1)
9.2.2 Unifying `change verb' resultatives with ordinary resultatives
197(3)
9.3 Resultative caused-motion counterparts
200(4)
9.3.1 Break the egg into the pan
200(2)
9.3.2 Empty the tank into the sink
202(2)
9.4 Still another issue raised by `change verb' resultatives
204(6)
9.4.1 Result phrase-addition analysis
204(2)
9.4.2 Result phrase construction
206(2)
9.4.3 Summary
208(2)
9.5 Conclusion
210(1)
Chapter 10 What are spurious resultatives?
211(28)
10.0 Introduction
211(1)
10.1 Putative characteristics of spurious resultatives
211(2)
10.2 Thinly
213(8)
10.2.1 Adverbs that refer to a theme entity
213(2)
10.2.2 Spread -- thinly, cut -- thinly
215(2)
10.2.3 The distinction between thin and thinly
217(4)
10.3 Tight/tightly and loose/loosely
221(16)
10.3.1 When the alternation is really possible
221(5)
10.3.2 What does it mean to be tight?
226(3)
10.3.3 Pull -- tight vs. pull -- tightly
229(1)
10.3.4 Force persistence
230(1)
10.3.5 Loose vs. loosely
231(6)
10.4 Conclusion
237(2)
Chapter 11 Resultatives with open/shut
239(18)
11.0 Introduction
239(1)
11.1 How a door becomes open/shut
240(7)
11.1.1 Resultative caused-motion?
240(1)
11.1.2 Co-occurrence of motion and change of state
241(3)
11.1.3 Internalized translational motion
244(2)
11.1.4 Co-extensiveness between change of state and internalized translational motion
246(1)
11.2 Three types of open/shut expressions
247(4)
11.2.1 Type 1
247(2)
11.2.2 Type 2
249(1)
11.2.3 Type 3
250(1)
11.3 What the existence of the three types tells us
251(3)
11.3.1 Washio's (1997) three types again
251(1)
11.3.2 Why open may appear in all the three types of resultatives
252(1)
11.3.3 A unified analysis under the force-recipient account
253(1)
11.4 Functional open
254(1)
11.5 Conclusion
255(2)
PART V On the result component
257(70)
Chapter 12 To result phrases vs. into result phrases
259(28)
12.0 Introduction to Part V
259(1)
12.1 To a whisper
260(4)
12.1.1 Point on a scale
260(3)
12.1.2 Other similar cases
263(1)
12.2 To death
264(4)
12.2.1 Endpoint of a path
264(4)
12.2.2 Short summary
268(1)
12.3 Into a coma
268(2)
12.4 To pieces vs. into pieces
270(10)
12.4.1 Corpus data
270(5)
12.4.2 Different aspects of becoming "pieces"
275(4)
12.4.3 Other expressions for decomposition
279(1)
12.5 In/Into alternation
280(4)
12.5.1 In result phrase
280(1)
12.5.2 Parallel with spatial paths
281(3)
12.6 Conclusion
284(3)
Chapter 13 Adjectival result phrases vs. prepositional result phrases
287(22)
13.0 Introduction
287(1)
13.1 Previous analyses
287(5)
13.1.1 A matter of conventionalization?
287(2)
13.1.2 Tsuzuki (2003a, 2003b)
289(1)
13.1.3 Problems with Tsuzuki (2003a, 2003b)
290(2)
13.2 The difference between an AP and a to-PP
292(7)
13.2.1 Aspectual integration of the verbal event and the change of state
292(4)
13.2.2 AP only' cases
296(1)
13.2.3 `To-PP only' cases
297(1)
13.2.4 Shoot -- dead vs. shoot -- to death
298(1)
13.3 Differences between APs, to-PPs, and into-PPs
299(4)
13.3.1 Into-PPs
299(3)
13.3.2 Summary
302(1)
13.4 How the choice of result phrases is really to be accounted for
303(2)
13.4.1 Tsuzuki's (2003a, 2003b) proposal once again
303(1)
13.4.2 Verspoor's (1997) data once again
304(1)
13.5 Implications for the force-recipient account
305(2)
13.6 Conclusion
307(2)
Chapter 14 Consequences of the AP/PP distinction
309(18)
14.0 Introduction
309(1)
14.1 Aspectual constraint
309(6)
14.1.1 Immediate result or not?
309(2)
14.1.2 APs and PPs behave differently
311(2)
14.1.3 Prepositional result phrases vs. path result phrases
313(2)
14.2 She cried herself to sleep
315(10)
14.2.1 Enabling causation
315(1)
14.2.2 How to enable someone to sleep
316(3)
14.2.3 How to enable oneself to sleep
319(5)
14.2.4 Enabling causation in force dynamics
324(1)
14.3 Conclusion
325(2)
PART VI Still further issues surrounding adjectival result phrases
327(56)
Chapter 15 Maximal end-point constraint reconsidered
329(16)
15.0 Introduction to Part VI
329(1)
15.1 Wechsler (2005a, 2005b)
329(3)
15.2 Problems
332(3)
15.3 Well-behaved data?
335(6)
15.3.1 Wechsler (2012, 2015)
335(2)
15.3.2 The "well-behaved" data as an illusion
337(4)
15.4 What is wrong with the maximal end-point constraint?
341(1)
15.5 Conclusion
342(3)
Chapter 16 Selectional restrictions on adjectival result phrases
345(16)
16.0 Introduction
345(1)
16.1 Subcategorized object cases
345(5)
16.1.1 How the result state is brought about
345(2)
16.1.2 Not a direct result but a consequence
347(3)
16.2 Wipe -- wet
350(6)
16.2.1 The wiping force once again
350(3)
16.2.2 When and why wipe -- wet is possible
353(3)
16.3 Fake object cases
356(4)
16.3.1 Goldberg (1995), Vanden Wyngaerd (2001)
356(2)
16.3.2 Where the apparent delimited endpoint comes from
358(2)
16.4 Conclusion
360(1)
Chapter 17 Temporal dependence reconsidered
361(22)
17.0 Introduction
361(1)
17.1 Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2001)
362(3)
17.1.1 Two types of resultatives
362(1)
17.1.2 Temporal coextensiveness
363(2)
17.2 Temporal dependence is only part of the story
365(6)
17.2.1 Problems with Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2001)
365(2)
17.2.2 The real difference between wriggle free and wriggle oneself free
367(2)
17.2.3 Kick free
369(1)
17.2.4 When the subevents are temporally co-extensive
370(1)
17.3 Croft (2012)
371(10)
17.3.1 Integrating force-dynamic and aspectual representations of event structure
371(3)
17.3.2 Modifications needed
374(7)
17.4 Conclusion
381(2)
PART VII Resultatives that are not based on force-transmission
383(46)
Chapter 18 Princess Anne rides to victory
385(26)
18.0 Introduction to Part VII
385(1)
18.1 To victory
385(4)
18.1.1 Direct Object Restriction
385(1)
18.1.2 Violation of the Direct Object Restriction
386(2)
18.1.3 Apparent puzzle of to victory
388(1)
18.2 To victory as a goal-achieving path
389(7)
18.2.1 Why the Direct Object Restriction holds
389(1)
18.2.2 Goal-like characteristics
390(1)
18.2.3 Change of state that is based on a metaphor
391(3)
18.2.4 Caused motion vs. simple motion
394(2)
18.3 Further instances of changes of state effected by metaphorical changes of location
396(7)
18.3.1 To success
396(3)
18.3.2 To exhaustion
399(4)
18.4 Changes of state which are effected by physical changes of location
403(6)
18.4.1 To safety and to freedom
403(3)
18.4.2 Out of sight
406(3)
18.5 Conclusion
409(2)
Chapter 19 Resultatives with free
411(18)
19.0 Introduction
411(1)
19.1 Does free denote an endpoint?
411(3)
19.1.1 `Free as expressing an endpoint' thesis
411(1)
19.1.2 Problems
412(2)
19.2 `V -- free'
414(7)
19.2.1 How to cause something to become free
414(2)
19.2.2 Free vs. to freedom
416(2)
19.2.3 Resultatives based on self-initiated force
418(3)
19.3 Cut -- free
421(7)
19.3.1 Apparent puzzle
421(2)
19.3.2 `Separation'-cut
423(3)
19.3.3 Cut -- free as a `change verb' resultative
426(1)
19.3.4 Putative restriction
427(1)
19.4 Conclusion
428(1)
PART VIII Putative resultatives
429(56)
Chapter 20 Follow and disappear
431(20)
20.0 Introduction
431(1)
20.1 Follow him out of the room
431(6)
20.1.1 Another apparent counter-example to the Direct Object Restriction
431(1)
20.1.2 Follow as a motion verb
432(1)
20.1.3 Further-specifying path PPs
433(4)
20.2 Other approaches
437(5)
20.2.1 Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2001)
437(2)
20.2.2 Goldberg & Jackendoff (2004)
439(3)
20.3 Disappear down the road
442(7)
20.3.1 Goldberg & Jackendoff (2004)
442(1)
20.3.2 Disappear as a motion verb
443(2)
20.3.3 How to become invisible
445(2)
20.3.4 Whose visual field?
447(2)
20.4 Conclusion
449(2)
Chapter 21 Verbs of sound emission followed by a path PP
451(26)
21.0 Introduction
451(1)
21.1 Previous analyses
451(4)
21.1.1 Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995, 96, 99)
451(1)
21.1.2 Goldberg & Jackendoff (2004)
452(1)
21.1.3 Meaning shift or construction?
453(2)
21.2 `Motion-describing' type
455(6)
21.2.1 Parallel between manner and sound
455(3)
21.2.2 Further parallels
458(3)
21.3 `Motion-induced' type
461(3)
21.3.1 Two types of sound emission
461(2)
21.3.2 Motion-describing' type vs. `motion-induced' type
463(1)
21.4 More on the distinction
464(3)
21.5 Where there is a sound, there should be a motion
467(1)
21.6 Verbs of sound emission followed by open/shut
468(7)
21.6.1 Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995)
468(1)
21.6.2 A fundamental problem
469(1)
21.6.3 The sound-emission event as describing an internalized translational motion
470(3)
21.6.4 Functional open once again
473(2)
21.7 Conclusion
475(2)
Chapter 22 Reconsidering the parallel between change of state and change of location
477(8)
22.0 Introduction
477(1)
22.1 Putative parallel between change of state and change of location
478(2)
22.1.1 Transitive cases
478(1)
22.1.2 Intransitive cases
478(2)
22.2 Motion expressions
480(1)
22.3 Resultatives that are based on motion
481(1)
22.4 Overall picture
482(1)
22.5 Conclusion
483(2)
PART IX Still another putative constraint
485(46)
Chapter 23 Unique path constraint reconsidered
487(14)
23.0 Introduction
487(1)
23.1 Unique path constraint
487(4)
23.1.1 Goldberg (1991a, 1995)
487(1)
23.1.2 Adjectival result phrases do not denote paths
488(3)
23.2 Why adjectival result phrases do not co-occur with path PPs
491(6)
23.2.1 Co-occurrence of more than one result phrase
491(2)
23.2.2 No special constraint is necessary
493(4)
23.3 Still another distinction that has been overlooked
497(3)
23.3.1 Why motion verbs do not co-occur with result phrases
497(1)
23.3.2 Resultatives based on motion once again
498(2)
23.4 Conclusion
500(1)
Chapter 24 To one's death
501(10)
24.1 Another instance of resultative based on motion?
501(4)
24.2 Why to one's death means what it does
505(2)
24.3 Contextual modulation
507(2)
24.4 Conclusion
509(2)
Chapter 25 Summary and conclusion
511(20)
25.1 Resultative constructions under a force-recipient account
511(4)
25.2 Answers to the two questions
515(7)
25.2.1 Answer to the first question
515(3)
25.2.2 Answer to the second question
518(4)
25.3 How to arrived the observed syntax
522(4)
25.4 Cross-linguistic differences
526(2)
25.5 Final word
528(3)
References 531(14)
Index of constructions 545(2)
Subject index 547
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